WITH an election happening a few weeks from now, the fate of the country would once more depend on the behavior of the Philippine electorate. More often than not, Filipino voters end up regretting the choice they made.
Come May 12, some tens of millions of registered voters would be swamping voting precincts to elect candidates vying for 18,215 national and local posts in time for the 2025 midterm elections.
For one, the right to suffrage is embodied in three instruments – the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and in the 1987 Constitution which states “sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them.”
True enough, Filipino voters have the power to decide, for which politicians have been resorting to a long list of gimmickry (legal or otherwise) to win a democratic process referred to as “election.”
Prior to the election proper, candidates are given reasonable time to launch an effective campaign and present political platforms, government plans and a truckload of empty promises.
Filipino voters have the power to decide, for which politicians have been resorting to a long list of gimmickry (legal or otherwise) to win a democratic process referred to as “election”.
FILLING THE SEATS
Except for the position of the President, Vice President and barangay officials, the 2025 midterm polls will cover: 12 senators; 254 district congressmen; 63 partylist representatives; 82 governors; 82 vice-governors; 800 provincial board members; 149 city mayors; 149 city vice mayors; 1,690 city councilors; 1,493 municipal mayors; 1,493 municipal vice mayors, and 11,948 municipal councilors.
Senatorial and partylist aspirants started hopping from one province to another as early as February 11. Campaign period for district congressmen and local candidates commenced March 28.
Just like in the previous elections, an effective campaign requires much more than qualifications. Notably though, placement of political ads, production of campaign posters, commissioning rolling jingles, give-aways, and allowances of local leaders as well as poll watchers don’t come cheap.
JUST FOR THE RICH
Time and again, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) has been issuing stern warnings against candidates who would be spending more than the limits as stipulated under the Omnibus Election Code.
But how much does it really cost to run for public office? Under the Omnibus Election Code, candidates vying for national positions are only allowed to spend P10 pesos for every voter.
With 68.6 million registered voters (based on Comelec data), each senatorial bet would only be allowed to spend a maximum of P686 million.
Interestingly, at least five senatorial candidates have earlier been reported to have spent beyond the benchmark even before the campaign period started. The biggest spenders – Camille Villar, Imee Marcos, Francis Tolentino, Abby Binay, and Benhur Abalos.
According to a report published by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, Villar has spent over a billion for her political ads way before she filed her Certificate of Candidacy in October 2024.
RED FLAGS FOR VOTERS
Lavish spending for the realization of political ambition however isn’t limited to national candidates.
On the local level, political dynasties are headed for a walk in the park in many parts of the country. Provinces ruled by political clans are the poorest in the country.
There are also candidates who consider public office as an investment which promises high profits — just like in Pasig City where a contractor dared to go against incumbent Mayor Vico Sotto.
According to sources, the mayoralty bet is actually throwing her hat into politics for two reasons — to wield power amid tax cases, and secure the P12-billion contract for the construction of Pasig Smart City Hall building.
There are also candidates banking on wealth, popularity, allegiance, sectoral endorsements, greed and political compromise, to name a few.
ELECTION ISSUES
Electoral integrity has time and again been questioned over alleged vote-buying electoral fraud, political dynasties, black propaganda (fake news) via the social media, and the use of guns, goons and gold.
The absence of genuine programmatic political parties drives campaign costs because there is a need to dispense patronage goods and fund a political machine.
Political families and clans that control the legislative branch of government are composed of dynasties. That political dynasties occupy 80 percent of the seats in the House of Representatives is only part of the problem. The same political dynasties usually control local government units of the districts they represent.
It is not uncommon to find the provincial governorship, the mayoral and councilor positions occupied by members of the same family. To stay in power, a combination of personalistic politics and a political machine that thrives on giving dole-outs, both in cash and in-kind, drives the cost of running for public office.
The “supply-side” of vote-buying as campaign spending is typically dynastic families who keep communities dependent on dole-outs rather than institutionalized public delivery of services.
