THE FOURTH IMPEACHMENT complaint against Vice President Sara Duterte has nothing to do with political persecution in view of what looks more like an early pronouncement of her 2028 presidential bid.
As it turns out, the impeachment complaint dwells more on “serious and disturbing” allegations of unexplained wealth and incomplete statement of assets, liabilities and net worth (SALN) as mandated by the Constitution.
Lawyer Nathaniel G. Cabrera recently filed the fourth complaint with no less that the so-called Super Majority stalwarts — House Committee on Human Rights chair Manila Rep. Bienvenido Abante Jr. and Deputy Speaker La Union Rep. Paolo Ortega as endorsers.
UNDISCLOSED ASSETS
Ortega explained that the complaint highlights constitutional accountability, noting that any material omission or undisclosed asset is a grave matter the House cannot ignore.
“This is about constitutional accountability – the SALN is mandatory and must be complete and truthful, and any undeclared asset or unexplained wealth is a grave issue,” Ortega said, adding that endorsing the complaint is not a conviction but a procedural step.
“Running for President does not erase serious questions about asset disclosures and public funds. Oversight is not persecution. It is a constitutional duty,” Business Mirror quoted him.
The filing alleges that certain bank accounts, properties, and significant cash movements were not fully reflected in Duterte’s SALN, raising questions about whether her declared net worth accurately represents her financial position.
“If public officials are required to disclose all assets and live modestly, then any material omission is a serious constitutional concern that the House cannot ignore,” Ortega said.
MADRIAGA CONFESSION
Ortega also cited the sworn affidavit of alleged Duterte bagman Ramil Madriaga, who described the transport and delivery of millions of pesos in cash in duffel bags following the encashment of confidential and intelligence funds allocated to the Office of the Vice President and previously to the Department of Education.
“These confidential and intelligence funds amounting to hundreds of millions of pesos are subject to strict audit rules, and when there are sworn accounts of large cash transfers, those must be reconciled with SALN disclosures,” Ortega said.
Ortega stressed that endorsing the complaint does not prejudge the vice president.
“This is not a conviction. This is a process. But when there are sworn statements about large cash transfers and serious red flags in asset declarations, the House cannot look away,” he pointed out.
POINT OF NO RETURN
Ortega also said Duterte’s early declaration of a 2028 presidential bid does not affect constitutional accountability.
“Let us be clear – running for President does not erase serious questions about asset disclosures and public funds. The timing speaks for itself,” he said.
He maintained that unresolved issues surrounding confidential and intelligence funds, along with alleged incomplete SALN, remain governance concerns rather than campaign issues.
“Oversight is not persecution. It is a constitutional duty,” he said.
He rejected the idea that a presidential run transforms accountability proceedings into political harassment.
ABSENCE OF PRINCIPLE
Abante dismissed claims that Duterte’s resignation from the Cabinet reflected principled opposition to corruption or government inefficiency.
“This was not a principled resignation. If the Vice President truly believed the administration was corrupt or incapable of addressing the people’s problems, she had every opportunity to say so while she was inside the Cabinet. She did not,” Abante stressed.
Abante emphasized that the Vice President was not an outsider.
“For nearly two years, she was a Cabinet member as Secretary of Education. She was part of the UniTeam mandate. She participated in policy discussions and budget processes,” the House leader said.
“If there were systemic corruption or governance failures of the magnitude now being suggested, why was there no sustained public dissent? No reform blueprint? No formal policy objections?” Abante said.
CONSTITUTIONAL POWER
Abante maintained that the political rupture coincided with congressional scrutiny over confidential and intelligence funds.
“The timeline is clear. The tension escalated when Congress exercised its constitutional power of the purse and asked questions about public funds. That is not political persecution – that is oversight,” Abante said.
“When accountability mechanisms were activated, that is when the distancing began,” he explained.
He also noted that the split unfolded amid early positioning for the 2028 national elections.
“In Philippine politics, alliances shift when strategic calculations shift. Let us not confuse succession maneuvering with moral crusades,” Abante averred.
IMPEACHMENT FOCUS
The fourth impeachment complaint was filed in the House against Duterte, focusing on allegations that she failed to fully disclose her assets in her SALN and may have accumulated wealth disproportionate to her lawful income.
The complaint accused Duterte of culpable violation of the Constitution, betrayal of public trust, graft and corruption, bribery, and other high crimes.
At the center of the filing are allegations that certain assets, bank accounts, cash holdings, and property transactions were omitted, understated, or not fully disclosed in her SALN.
The complaint argued that the Constitution requires full transparency from high public officials and that any material nondisclosure or accumulation of wealth manifestly disproportionate to legitimate income constitutes an impeachable offense.
FORENSIC REVIEW
The complainant pushed for a forensic review of bank records, property transfers, and related financial documents to determine whether public funds were converted into private assets and whether Duterte’s declared net worth accurately reflects her true financial position.
The unexplained wealth allegations are linked to broader claims of irregular confidential fund disbursements totaling at least ₱612.5 million from December 2022 to the third quarter of 2023, covering both the Office of the Vice President (OVP) and the Department of Education (DepEd).
It also delved on the rapid encashment of ₱125 million in December 2022—allegedly liquidated within 11 days – along with findings by the Commission on Audit (COA) flagging irregularities.
COA later issued notices of suspension and disallowance covering ₱73.287 million in questioned expenditures.
It also pointed to allegedly fabricated or defective receipts, unverifiable payees, duplicated entries, and sworn affidavits describing the transport of large sums of cash in duffle bags.
ASSASINATION ORDER
Beyond the financial allegations, the complaint reiterated earlier accusations that Duterte publicly admitted to having “asked a person” to kill President Marcos, First Lady Liza Araneta Marcos, and former speaker Ferdinand Martin G. Romualdez – an act described in the complaint as a subversion of constitutional order.
The allegations are supported by sworn affidavits and witness statements, including that of Duterte’s alleged bagman Ramil Madriaga; official liquidation and accomplishment reports from the OVP and DepEd; COA audit memoranda and notices of disallowance; Philippine Statistics Authority certifications on purported payees; congressional hearing transcripts; public statements of the respondent; and Joint Circular 2015-01 governing confidential and intelligence funds.
The complainant urged the House Committee on Justice to conduct a full investigation, issue subpoenas for financial and audit records, and, if warranted, transmit Articles of Impeachment to the Senate for trial.
FORTHWITH COMPLIANCE
The filing marks the fourth impeachment case lodged against the Vice President, following earlier complaints involving her public statements, alleged misuse of confidential funds, and refusal to fully cooperate with congressional oversight.
With four impeachment complaints now pending, the House must determine whether the allegations – particularly those involving SALN disclosures and unexplained wealth – meet the constitutional threshold for impeachment under Article XI of the 1987 Constitution. The complaints are set to be referred to the House Committee on Justice on Monday.
Under the Constitution, the Vice President may be removed from office for culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust.
IMPEACHMENT IS A GO
The fourth impeachment complaint against Duterte has been officially submitted to the Office of House Speaker Faustino G. Dy III, following its receipt by the Office of the Secretary General on Wednesday.
The OSG said the verified complaint has now formally reached the Speaker’s desk, marking the next step in the procedural process outlined by the House rules.
The OSG emphasized that its role is purely ministerial, tasked only with receiving and transmitting documents. It ensured that any action on the complaint will strictly follow the Constitution and the rules of the House of Representatives.
This submission highlights the procedural advancement of the impeachment process against Duterte, as the House moves to determine the proper course of action regarding the complaint.
ALIEN MANIPULATION
Duterte’s early disclosure of her presidential bid for 2028, two years ahead of the polls, is being cast not only as a shield against impeachment and international scrutiny but also as a move that risks exposing Philippine democracy to foreign manipulation.
Prof. Dindo Manhit, president of think tank Stratbase ADR Institute, warned that the prolonged election season created by Duterte’s early bid could provide fertile ground for “malign influence” and disinformation campaigns, Business Mirror reported.
He cautioned that narratives aligned with external actors—particularly those linked to the Chinese Embassy—may attempt to shape public opinion long before Filipinos cast their votes.
“We should not allow interference, disinformation, misinformation, attempts to interfere in our own democracy,” Manhit stressed, noting that the early framing of the 2028 race could invite narratives shaped by foreign interests rather than national priorities.
STRATEGIC INOCULATION
Analysts view Duterte’s announcement as a calculated “inoculation.” By surfacing allegations now, she may be attempting to blunt their potency before the campaign season.
Manhit warned that the tactic forces “everyone to talk about it,” potentially amplifying accusations tied to the Duterte brand. Her timing is a stark contrast to her father’s, who declared his candidacy in November 2015– barely six months before the election and just weeks after the filing deadline.
“I hope this is not orchestrated with the narrative of a very aggressive China Embassy. Because our democracy is our democracy, and we don’t like this to interfere from our own discourse as a nation,” Manhit said
CHINA FROM A DISTANCE
Deputy Spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy Guo Wei rejected claims of foreign interference, describing them as “manufactured pretexts.”
“The recent amplification of so-called ‘FIMI’ (Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference) claims appears less like an objective assessment and more like a familiar script: reframing disagreement as manipulation and recasting conjecture as threat. Using technical terminology to dress up suspicion does not transform it into evidence,” Guo said.
Guo emphasized that diplomatic engagement is neither interference nor impropriety, but part of routine responsibilities under international law.
“Communication, clarification, and public engagement are routine responsibilities of embassies everywhere. China will continue to articulate its positions clearly and will firmly reject unfounded attacks and smears,” he explained.
Guo also highlighted the role of Confucius Institutes and Filipino-Chinese associations in language training, cultural exchange, entrepreneurship, disaster relief, and education.
“To suggest ulterior motives behind long-standing community engagement is not only unfounded but dismissive of tangible and visible contributions.”