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China Restricting Access In Scarborough Shoal

Jai Duena
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China Restricting Access In Scarborough Shoal

AFTER being exposed for its cyanide fishing, China has restricted access in Scarborough Shoal, amid talks regarding a potential joint exploration for energy in the disputed maritime region.

The move, which tends to show its desire to dominate the West Philippine Sea with force, doesn’t speak well of cooperation.

Satellite images reveal Chinese ships and a floating barrier blocking the entrance to Scarborough Shoal, a rich fishing ground which falls well within the 200-nautical mile Philippine exclusive economic zone.

CHINA GOES PARANOID

According to satellite imagery from April 10 to 11, six Chinese maritime militia vessels were inside the shoal with a long floating barrier stretching across the entrance, while other patrol vessels hovered nearby.

“Six Chinese maritime militia vessels were observed within the shoal, while three others were spotted outside, seemingly obstructing the entrance to BDM (Bajo de Masinloc),” said Philippine Coast Guard spokesperson Jay Tarriela.

“According to our assessment in the past, they consistently exhibit suspicion whenever they monitor a group of Filipino fishing boats,” he added.

The presence of the Chinese military in the area has effectively prevented fishermen from conducting their livelihoods for years.

The Philippine Coast Guard previously removed similar barriers placed by China, but each time China retaliates with stronger deployments.

JOINT EXPLORATION

China’s move came as President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. welcomed the possibility of a joint exploration for oil and gas with China in the contested zone in light of an energy crisis.

“That’s something we’ve been talking about for a great deal, but territorial disputes are getting in the way of that,” he said.

“That’s something we are exploring. Everything that might be of help, we are certainly pursuing,” the President was quoted as saying.

Prior to Marcos’ assumption to power in 2022, the previous administration hinted at pushing for the same collaboration to deescalate tension in the disputed maritime region.

POISONING THE SEA

Just days before China’s latest physical blockade, Philippine authorities made a serious accusation against Chinese vessels elsewhere in the South China Sea.

The Philippines warned that bottles containing cyanide were seized from Chinese boats near Second Thomas Shoal, a submerged atoll where Filipino forces maintain a presence.

Laboratory tests confirmed the presence of the toxic chemical, which officials say could kill fish and weaken the reef that supports Filipino naval personnel at the shoal.

“We wish to underscore that the use of cyanide in Ayungin Shoal is a form of sabotage that seeks to kill local fish populations, depriving Navy personnel of a vital food source,” said National Security Council spokesperson Cornelio Valencia.

DENIAL, AS USUAL

Beijing’s response was to flatly reject the accusation and call it a “stunt” by the Philippines, insisting that Chinese fishing boats were engaged in “normal fishing.”

“The Philippine side illegally harassed the Chinese fishing boats conducting normal fishing, grabbed the fishermen’s living supplies, and staged this so-called cyanide stunt. There is no credibility whatsoever to their story,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said.

Interestingly, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson’s claim isn’t the first. Since 2016, China has developed a habit of changing the narrative in its favor and rejecting facts when convenient.

ADHERING THE LAW

China’s official statements often contradict both international law and observable facts.

In the case of Scarborough Shoal, the 2016 ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague clearly stated that China’s sweeping claims in the South China Sea have no legal basis, which Beijing continues to reject.

Rather than comply with the legal framework it agreed to as a signatory of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, China rejects the tribunal’s jurisdiction and ignores the ruling whenever convenient.

China’s denials extend to accusations of environmental harm, even when Filipino authorities present laboratory evidence of toxins in disputed waters.

This pattern of denial and narrative reversal weakens trust and suggests that China’s words cannot be taken at face value in negotiations.

FRIENDS WITH ENEMY?

However, despite China’s aggressive moves, some Filipino officials remain open to joint ventures with Beijing, entertaining thoughts of collaborating with the same country that not only destroys our waters but also threatens fisherfolk.

The Marcos administration has said it wants to engage China “constructively,” but constructive dialogue must be grounded in mutual respect, not unilateral pressure and de facto occupation.

The idea of a joint expedition seems naive given the reality on the water, where Chinese ships are actively denying Filipinos access to resources they are legally entitled to under international law.

POTENTIAL TRAP

Retired Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio warned that joint exploration could be a trap.

“Joint development is a trap because joint development means, you go to the website of China, it says joint development means China owns the gas, the oil, all the natural resources,” Carpio said.

“China has sovereign rights. That’s from the point of view of China. So why will we accept that?” he added.

Yet proposals continue to surface among some lawmakers and bureaucrats who believe economic cooperation can proceed without first resolving differences in sovereignty.

Senate President Vicente Sotto III once expressed hope that joint exploration would come to fruition — “Sen. Gregorio Honasan, Panfilo Lacson and I, together with Ed Mañalac, proposed that to PRRD during his early years as President. Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdia was there. They agreed to our proposal, but nothing came out of it.” 

THE CLEAR MESSAGE

China’s approach disregards the clear pattern of its behavior: deny, delay, and dominate. If the Philippines agrees to meaningful joint ventures without addressing Chinese aggression first, it risks not only its marine resources but also its bargaining power and national dignity.

The West Philippine Sea is too important to be negotiable in the face of intimidation.

China’s blockade of Scarborough, its alleged poisoning of disputed waters, and its habit of denial do not reflect a partner interested in fair cooperation.

The Philippines must stand firm in defending its sovereign rights and uphold international law before considering deals that could place Filipinos at a disadvantage or, worse, result in lost territory.

Talks with China should not come at the expense of legitimate maritime rights, and certainly not while Chinese ships are on the water preventing Filipinos from fishing and navigating their own waters.

Joint expeditions for energy can wait regardless of the crisis. Respect for the rule of law and Philippine sovereignty should be non-negotiable.

Retailers’ Insatiable Greed Behind Costly Meds

Rose de la Cruz
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Retailers’ Insatiable Greed Behind Costly Meds

DESPITE THE Generics Drugs Act of 1988, the cost of medicines in the Philippines had been absurdly and atrociously high all because retailers have filled their appetites with unimaginable mark-ups to the prejudice of the indigents.

By the time a medicine reaches a Filipino patient, its price has been inflated by as many as five separate markups totaling as much as 273% above what the manufacturer originally charged — before a 12% value-added tax is added on top, according to data released by Ibon Foundation. 

The data showed a supply chain where drug retailers — not manufacturers or distributors — pocket the biggest profits.

TOO MANY LAYERS

Ibon said a typical imported medicine adds the following mark-ups before the medicine reaches the patient. The breakdown are as follows:

A 4.5–12.5% markup between a foreign pharmaceutical company’s head office and its Philippine subsidiary, then a 20% charge covering import tariffs, freight and insurance, quality control testing fees, corporate taxes, and transport, plus 5–13% distributor or wholesaler markup and another 5–13% from the retailer. 

Only then would the government impose a 12% Value-Added Tax (VAT).

For locally-manufactured drugs, which still depend almost entirely on imported raw ingredients, the situation is worse. 

Ibon says distributors add as much as 355% to those products, with retailers adding another 117%. Drug retailers in the Philippines, the data shows, are the richest link in the entire supply chain.

MOST EXPENSIVE

A 2005 study using World Health Organization and Health Action International methodology found that branded medicines in the Philippines sell at roughly 15 times more than the international reference prices, with generics at six times those benchmarks. 

A peer-reviewed study published in 2020 in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health found things had gotten worse: branded medicines had climbed to more than 30 times the international reference price, and generics to about 10 times, reported Rights Report Philippines.

Global price comparisons show Filipinos paying 355% more than the global median for Zestril (lisinopril), a standard blood pressure drug. In Thailand, this same pill costs 58% below the global median. 

For Lipitor (atorvastatin), a common cholesterol drug, the Philippines is 39% higher than the global median — while India sits 85% below it. Branded medicines in the Philippines are 5 to 30 times more expensive than the same manufacturer’s products in India and Pakistan.

MEDICAL INFLATION

Medical inflation in the Philippines reached 19.3% in 2024, according to a Willis Towers Watson survey of 348 health insurers across 75 countries, the second-highest rate in Asia Pacific. 

Healthcare costs were projected to rise another 18.3% in 2025, outpacing Malaysia at 16.4%, Thailand at 14.2%, India at 13.2%, Singapore at 12%, and Vietnam at 11.2%.

Filipinos spent a total of P615 billion out of pocket on healthcare in 2024 — 42.7% of the country’s total healthcare costs — according to a House bill filed in 2025. More than P251 billion of that went directly to medicines bought at pharmacies. 

A 2019 Pulse Asia survey  cited in House Bill 05956 found that 99% of Filipinos do not buy all their prescribed medicines because they simply cannot afford to.

GIANT RETAILERS

Retailers have the market power. The 81-year old Mercury Drug Corp of the Que Azcona family with 1,200 stores holds 60% of the pharmacy retail market – a share one government official described as a “near monopoly” in 2001. 

A 2008 Health Action International study found Mercury Drug accounted for 80% of total drug retailer sales at the time, a dominance the market has never effectively challenged since.

Wholesale is just as concentrated. As of the mid-2010s, Zuellig Pharma and its affiliate Metro Drug together controlled roughly 80–85% of pharmaceutical wholesale distribution channels in the Philippines — a concentration that made them, and Zuellig in particular, the dominant gatekeeper between manufacturers and the retail pharmacy market. 

Zuellig remains the country’s market leader in pharmaceutical distribution today. The practical result: even when the government secures lower prices for medicines, those savings disappear as the drugs pass through Zuellig’s distribution network and then through the retail chain, each adding its own cut.

WEAK PRICE CONTROL

Price control laws in the Philippines are structurally weak. The Health department’s Drug Price Reference Index sets price ceilings for public hospitals and clinics — but private pharmacies, where most Filipinos buy their medicines, operate on market pricing. 

The government can dictate what a public hospital pays for amoxicillin but it cannot effectively do the same for Mercury Drug.

Another is the competition law has not been meaningfully applied to the pharmaceutical retail sector. The Philippine Competition Act of 2015 exists specifically to address the kind of market concentration that enables price-setting by a dominant player. The Philippine Competition Commission has not used it here.

Locally, advertising and retailing costs account for 40 to 60% of a drug, not manufacturing. A medicine here is as much a marketing product as a health product — and marketing costs, unlike production costs, are not capped by any law, the Right Reports Philippines noted.

DOMINANT CHAINS 

The local market has five dominant chains — Mercury with over 1,200 stores; Watsons (of the Sy Group) with over 800 outlets; The Generics Pharmacy with over 2,000 franchise outlets.

Also on the list are Southstar Drug and Rose Pharmacy of Robinsons Retail with 2,000 franchise outlets.

The roster likewise yielded Generika Drugstore, founded in 2003 by Ted Ferrer and Julien Bello and acquired as a wholly-owned subsidiary of Ayala with over 700 franchised outlets. 

Southstar is estimated at  $132.6 million in annual revenue — have also moved into private-label house brands. These products carry lower marketing costs but higher margins, which widens the gap between what a drug costs to source and what a patient pays at the counter.

USELESS GENERICS LAW

The Generics Act of 1988 was enacted to promote, require and ensure the production and use of affordable, quality and effective drugs by their generic names. 

Its fundamental purpose is to ensure adequate supply of generically-named drugs at the lowest possible cost. In short, the law was made to improve access to medicines for all Filipinos, especially the poor.

It was supposed to be Asia’s first powerful drug price reduction law. It failed miserably — largely from within.

The law had a critical loophole baked in from the start: it allowed doctors to write both the generic name and the brand name on a prescription. That one provision gutted the whole point. A doctor who writes “atorvastatin (Lipitor)” has technically complied with the Generics Act. The patient still walks out paying branded prices.

MERELY A SLOGAN

Former DOH Undersecretary Alex Padilla said: the law had “failed” to weaken branded medicine’s grip on the market as “doctors still prescribe branded medicines but they cannot be punished for that because there’s a loophole in the law,” he said. 

Two decades after the law passed, the DOH’s own data showed that true generics — medicines sold only under their chemical name, with no brand attached — held just 4% of the Philippine pharmaceutical market. In the United States, generics account for approximately 90% of all prescriptions dispensed.

A 2014 survey of the  Philippine Institute for Development Studies found that only 7% of respondents could correctly define a generic drug, and 48% believed generics were less effective than branded medicines. There is no scientific basis for that belief. But pharmaceutical companies had spent decades and enormous sums making sure people believed it anyway.

In 2024, then partylist Rep. Wilbert Lee called for a congressional review  of the Generics Act and the Cheaper Medicines Act of 2008. After 36 years, the law’s basic promise — affordable medicine, identified by its chemical name — remains largely an unkept slogan.

DOC-PHARMA COLLUSION

The collusion between doctors and the pharma industry is documented and widespread, prompting the Senate to investigate this in 2024.

In April of that year, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada in a privilege speech said that Bell-Kenz Pharma — a company founded and run by physicians — was offering rebates of up to P2 million, luxury cars, foreign travel, and other incentives to doctors who prescribed its products. The company, he said, operated through a multi-level marketing scheme for prescription drugs..

Sen. JV Ejercito filed Senate Resolution 1011 seeking a formal inquiry. He cited Dr. Sylvia Claudio, a former UP medicine professor, who described how pharmaceutical influence works in practice: ballpoint pens and notepads at the small end, restaurant dinners and foreign trips at the other, and continuing medical education programs funded entirely by the companies whose drugs doctors are expected to prescribe in return. 

TOKEN INVESTIGATION

The DOH and Food and Drug Administration made its own probe. Health Secretary Teodoro Herbosa reminded health professionals publicly that accepting gifts in exchange for prescriptions was “unethical.”

But all these were common knowledge. The Health Action International report of 2008 had pointed out physician influence as a core structural reason for high drug prices in the Philippines. The same problem was being investigated by a Senate committee 16 years later.

What makes it so hard to fix is the absence of a law that actually criminalizes it. The Philippines has no equivalent of the US Anti Kickback Statute, which makes it a federal crime to offer or accept any payment — money, gifts, or services — intended to influence a healthcare provider’s prescribing decisions. Estrada called for Philippine legislation modeled on it. As of this writing, none exists

REGULATORY GAP

This is not just a market problem or a regulatory gap. Under both Philippine law and binding international commitments, it is a failure of government duty — and one for which both the state and the companies involved can, and should, be held accountable.

The 1987 Constitution is clear: “The State shall protect and promote the right to health of the people.” Article XIII goes further by directing the government to make “essential goods, health and other social services available to all the people at affordable cost,” with explicit priority for “the underprivileged, sick, elderly, disabled, women, and children.”

The Universal Health Care Act of 2019 reaffirmed those obligations. A 2023 World Bank assessment cited in a pending House bill found that “significant inequalities persist in access to quality health services, with lower-income and rural populations disproportionately underserved.” That is not a policy aspiration falling short. It is a constitutional obligation being violated.

GLOBAL COVENANT

At the international level, the Philippines is a signatory to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, whose Article 12 protects the right to “the highest attainable standard of health.” 

The UN committee said that the covenant requires governments to ensure medicines are available in sufficient quantities, economically accessible, and of good quality. 

It also requires governments to actively “control the marketing of medical equipment and medicines by third parties” and to prevent privatization of the health sector from threatening the affordability and quality of care. On both counts, the Philippine government failed.

On the corporate side, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, unanimously endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council in 2011 and developed by Special Representative John Ruggie, set the international baseline for what companies owe the public. 

BUSINESS AND RIGHTS

The framework has three parts: governments must protect people from human rights abuses by businesses; companies must not violate human rights, even when governments fail to stop them; and people harmed must have real access to remedy. 

Known as the “Protect, Respect, and Remedy” framework, the Ruggie Principles require companies to carry out human rights due diligence — meaning they must not just follow national law but proactively identify and manage harm they cause to people.

The 2008 Human Rights Guidelines for Pharmaceutical Companies, submitted to the UN General Assembly by then-Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health Paul Hunt, are more specific. 

Drug companies are required to be transparent about their pricing; refrain from lobbying against policies that would make medicines more affordable; stop the practice of making cosmetic changes to existing drugs just to extend a patent and block cheaper generics; and market medicines ethically. 

NORMATIVE BASELINE

These are not aspirational guidelines. They represent, as the Health and Human Rights Journal concludes, a binding normative baseline — a floor below which no pharmaceutical company operating anywhere in the world should fall.

Measured against that floor, the conduct documented in the Philippine pharmaceutical market — inflated supply chain markups, anti-competitive retail concentration, kickback-driven prescriptions, and decades of lobbying that diluted reform legislation — is not just bad business practice. It is a pattern of corporate behavior that, under international human rights standards, should expose companies to legal liability. 

Advocates have pointed to Dutch courts’ willingness to hold private companies to a social duty of care — as demonstrated in the 2021 Shell climate liability ruling — as a legal avenue that could and should be tested against pharmaceutical companies in the Netherlands and in Philippine courts. A Dutch nonprofit has filed exactly such a case, but no liability finding has yet been reached.

UNCONTROLLED GREED

It is at the core of pharma companies. But calling it greed and leaving it there, lets the system off the hook.

Greed is the motive. The system is what makes the motive unstoppable. And in the Philippines, that system — the retail concentration, the captured supply chain, the doctors on commission, the laws with loopholes, the regulators without teeth — has been built up over decades and protected by the very companies that profit from it, the Rights Report said.

Foreign pharmaceutical companies charge more in the Philippines than in India or Pakistan for the same products simply because they can. There is no national insurance system powerful enough to push back. 

There is no aggressive use of the legal tools — like compulsory licensing — that would force lower prices in the name of public health. 

UP Prof. Orville Solon identified “interlocking interests” between manufacturers, distributors, and retailers that give the industry “greater potential for vertical control” over what Filipinos pay for medicine. Ibon’s Sonny Africa was more direct: the structure will not change as long as the government allows foreign companies to dominate a largely unregulated market.

DWARFING THE GDP

Tolerance is not an oversight. Multinational pharma in the Philippines — a roster that has historically included GlaxoSmithKline, Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Novartis, and Roche, among others — collectively accounted for about 82% of total foreign pharmaceutical sales in the country, with growth rates that outpaced the national GDP, according to this 2009 GMA News investigative report.

At least 10 of them ranked among the Philippines’ top 1,000 corporations at peak concentration. Companies with that economic weight shape policy environments. That is not a conspiracy. It is how power works.

The result is a country in which getting sick can push a family into debt mainly because a 36-year-old law promising cheaper medicines has never been properly enforced even after the Senate called an inquiry to address a doctor-kickback culture that researchers first named in published reports in 2008.

And one in which, as the PSA data cited in the Senate inquiry confirms, over P251 billion of Filipino household spending in a single year went directly to medicines bought at pharmacies — a figure that represents not just economic pain but a human rights failure playing out, tablet by tablet, at a drugstore counter.

WHAT MUST BE DONE

The reform agenda is not a mystery. Researchers, legislators, international health organizations, and constitutional scholars have spelled it out, repeatedly, for decades. What has been missing is political will and legal enforcement.

Close the prescription loophole. Amend the Generics Act to require that prescriptions be written by generic name only. Doctors who refuse must face enforceable sanctions through the Professional Regulation Commission. No country that has successfully shifted its market toward generics has done so without mandating generic-only prescribing.

Extend price controls to private retail. The DOH’s Drug Price Reference Index governs only public procurement. Maximum retail prices — already authorized by RA 9502 but applied to only a narrow list of drugs — must cover all essential medicines in private outlets, with regular updates and mandatory posting at every pharmacy counter. The law already gives the secretary of health this authority. It needs to be used.

Pass an anti-kickback law just like the US Anti-Kickback Statute that prohibits pharmaceutical companies from offering, and doctors from accepting, any form of payment — cash, gifts, travel, or commissions — in exchange for prescribing decisions. Professional reprimands are not enough. Criminal penalties are.

Apply competition law to pharmaceutical retail. The PCC must investigate the documented market concentration in both distribution and retail. A single company controlling 60% of pharmacy retail is a textbook competition law problem. The Competition Act of 2015 was written for exactly this situation.

Remove VAT from all essential medicines. Taxing medicines that the poor cannot afford is a tax on being sick.

Build domestic pharmaceutical manufacturing. The Board of Investments has named pharmaceuticals a priority industry, but roughly 98% of active pharmaceutical ingredients remain imported. Public investment in local ingredient manufacturing — modeled on what India did through its national pharmaceutical policy — would reduce import costs, break the supply chain’s price dynamics, and give the government more leverage over what medicines ultimately cost.

COMPULSARY LICENSING

Use compulsory licensing. The Cheaper Medicines Act of 2008 already allows the government to override drug patents in cases of public health necessity. This provision has never been invoked — a sharp contrast with Thailand and India, which used it repeatedly with direct and measurable results in lower prices. 

For maintenance drugs — blood pressure medications, diabetes drugs, cholesterol treatments — that millions of Filipinos need every single day, the public health case for invoking it is not just arguable. It is obvious.

Strengthen PhilHealth’s bargaining power. A national insurer that covers most of the population should be negotiating drug prices from a position of enormous leverage, which it had not done. Its outpatient medicine benefit coverage is limited, leaving most drug costs as direct out-of-pocket expenses. 

Expanding PhilHealth’s drug formulary and giving it a statutory mandate to negotiate prices — as Taiwan’s National Health Insurance does — would change the balance of power in the pharmaceutical market more fundamentally than any other single reform.

ADOPTING ACTION PLAN

Enforce the Business and Human Rights framework. The Philippine government should adopt a National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights covering the pharmaceutical sector, as the UN Guiding Principles envision to ensure compliance by all pharma companies in the Philippines in publishing human rights due diligence reports covering their pricing practices, distribution arrangements, and marketing conduct. 

This would create a legal basis for going to court against companies that fall below the standard of care that international law requires. The tools for this already exist. What is needed is a government willing to pick them up and use them.

The problem is not complicated. It is old, entrenched, and protected. Greed organized into institutions, backed by lobbying, tolerated by the state, and paid for — every day, at every pharmacy counter in the country — by the people who can least afford it.

Prolonged Crisis Dragging More Filipinos To Poverty

Rose de la Cruz
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Prolonged Crisis Dragging More Filipinos To Poverty

A MONTH AND a half after the United States waged a war against Iran, more Filipino families are seen to join the poverty cluster in view of the adverse effects of the global oil crisis, according to the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS).

In its policy note, the state think tank traced the escalated poverty to the particularly cited the prolonged severe disruption in the global oil industry as the major factor that could further worsen poverty to 15.3% to 16.3% nationally, with the rural areas potentially experiencing a level of 22.5%.

To date, crude oil in the global market is pegged at $105 per barrel — plus the 35% pass through rate imposed by Iran to oil tankers passing the Hormuz Strait.

In its estimate, the PIDS said that the country’s poverty could push 1.34 million Filipinos, mostly in near poor households into poverty.

PURCHASING POWER

Dubbed as “Who Suffers Most When Oil Prices Spike,” PIDS senior research fellow Jose Ramon Albert described the oil price shock as highly regressive, with poor households losing 16.2 percent of their real purchasing power, compared to a loss of only 3.4 percent among the richest households.

“Additionally, universal fuel subsidies exacerbate inequity, providing about four times more benefits in absolute peso terms to the wealthy than to the poor,” reads part of the PIDS Policy Note.

The Note concluded that a targeted emergency cash transfer presents a more equitable and fiscally manageable response: a P 6,000 per-household tranche (P 1,500 per individual), delivered through the vertical expansion of existing programs (like Pantawid, social pension and other pensions), horizontal expansion to waitlists, and emergency transfers to persons with disabilities, minimum-wage workers, and newly identified poor households.

This approach would reduce poverty from 16.4% to 15.8% while shielding about 754,000 individuals at an estimated cost of P 64.6 billion after deduplication.

The estimate is based on the analysis of the fuel price shock in the context of the Middle East conflict.

SEVERE SCENARIO

Should the oil price hit $125 per barrel anew, PIDS estimates the national poverty rate rising to 15.3 percent but in the most severe scenario of oil price reaching $145 per barrel, PIDS expects the poverty rate to worsen and reach 16.3 percent, Business World reported. 

While all households experience roughly similar price impacts, PIDS said the price increases are likely to hurt the poor households more.

“Because poor households allocate over 57 percent of their spending to food and food supply chains are highly energy intensive, the transmission of cost increases through food prices disproportionately affects low-income households.” 

For the PIDS, targeted cash transfers can help reverse the poverty impacts.

“A fuel excise tax cut that reduces prices uniformly provides roughly four times more in absolute pesos to a rich household than to a poor household. Only targeted cash transfers can reverse this regressively by directing support specifically to those least able to absorb the loss,” the PIDS said.

EQUITABLE RESPONSE

In particular, it said that the proposed Suplementaryong Ayuda Para sa Apektadong Tahanan program is seen as the most equitable and cost-effective response.

By providing P6,000 per household as an additional support for existing program beneficiaries, adding those on waitlists and providing emergency transfers for persons with disabilities and minimum wage households, PIDS said the government could protect about 754,000 Filipinos from poverty.

If the crisis persists or deepens, it said that additional assistance to households is needed.

“The challenge is to implement the program before the shock fully manifests as deeper poverty,” PIDS added.

Interestingly, Marikina City Rep. Muro Quimbo, in his capacity as chairman of the House ways and means committee, admitted that the middle class is not covered by any kind of financial assistance or dole outs the government has been giving other sectors.

“They are one major crisis away from falling below the poverty line,” Quimbo stressed.

OVERLOOKED SECTOR

It has been established that the national government derives its taxes from the middle class or the salaried workers, whose monthly incomes are automatically deducted for purposes of taxation. About 85 percent of government funds are sourced from fixed-income earners.

During the crisis, Quimbo said the government should not forget the middle class who hardly gets covered by state-sponsored financial assistance.

“In our last two LEAD joint committee meetings, one reality has become unmistakable: the true threat of this energy crisis is its creeping impact on our domestic economy,” he said.

Cagayan de Oro City Rep. Rufus Rodriguez said 45 percent of the country’s population is classified as middle class, while only 1.5 percent belong to the rich class.

“The rest are considered poor,” he said.

Quimbo presented the 2023 Family Income and Expenditure Survey conducted by the Philippine Statistics Authority showing that the level of expenses of poor and rich households for diesel and gasoline were not so disparate.

The figures showed that 12.1 percent of the income of the poorest of the poor families went to diesel and gasoline, while 14.7 percent of the richest household’s earnings was spent on fuel.

CONFLICTING CLAIMS

Quimbo cited the survey to dispute a claim by Finance Undersecretary Karl Fermin Adriano that rich Filipinos comprising a small percentage of the population account for 50 percent to 85 percent of diesel and gasoline used by households.

This is the reason why diesel and gasoline were not covered by the recommendation of the administration’s UPLIFT committee on fuel excise tax suspension, which applied only to cooking gas and kerosene.

Quimbo informed his colleagues that upon the instructions of Speaker Faustino Dy III, his panel intends to focus on measures that would help “key sectors that directly shape the daily lives of the general population.

“Petroleum products underpin key sectors—such as agriculture, transport and electricity—so price increases ripple through supply chains, raising food prices, utility costs and eroding household purchasing power,” the PIDS noted.

“For a country where more than one in eight Filipinos is poor, sustained fuel price increases pose not only a macroeconomic concern but also a welfare challenge,” it added.

The impact is expected to be uneven, with rural households likely to experience sharper increases in poverty due to their heavier reliance on fuel-intensive agriculture, limited income diversification and higher food expenditure shares.

VULNERABLE REGIONS

According to the PIDS, “impacts are regressive and geographically concentrated,” with poor households losing about 16 percent of their annual income, while wealthy households lose only around 3 percent.” 

The PIDS likewise disclosed a list of regions classified as “most at risk” — the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), Bicolandia, Mimaropa (Mindoro, Marinduque, Romblon, Palawan), the Visayas, and much of Mindanao.

According to the policy note, poor households already allocate more than 57 percent of their spending on food, making them particularly vulnerable as higher fuel costs feed into food prices.

The PIDS based its analysis on three fuel price shock scenarios developed by the Asian Development Bank, assuming average oil prices at $105, $125 and $145 per barrel.

At present, prevailing conditions are closest to the first scenario, the think tank said. Global oil prices remain above $100 per barrel, although domestic pump prices have already seen their first rollback since the war started in late February.

The Marcos administration has also suspended excise on kerosene and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), but has kept levies on diesel and gasoline.

OIL EXCISE TAX CUTS

“A fuel excise tax cut that reduces prices uniformly provides roughly four times more in absolute pesos to a rich household than to a poor household. Only targeted cash transfers can reverse this regressivity by directing support specifically to those least able to absorb the loss,” the PIDS averred.

Instead, the think tank said cash transfers are more cost-effective and equitable, partly due to their multiplier effect.

“When low-income households receive transfers, they tend to spend most of the money immediately on food and basic goods, boosting local demand, supporting small businesses and sustaining jobs,” the PIDS said, noting that each peso spent can generate between P1.5 and P2.8 in economic output.

“In times of shocks like a fuel crisis, this helps cushion the downturn, shorten the recovery period, and even support government revenues, making social protection both a social and economic response,” it added.

Rising fuel costs and subsequent transport fare hikes in the Philippines, driven by the 2026 Middle East conflict, are projected to push an additional 1.34 million to 3.1 million Filipinos into poverty, reversing previous poverty reduction gains. 

From Airwaves To Aisles: How TODO Media Turned The Palengke Into Prime Time

Cheryl Luis True
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From Airwaves To Aisles: How TODO Media Turned The Palengke Into Prime Time

THERE WAS A time when radio stayed in corners—on dusty shelves, beside kitchen windows, or quietly humming in jeepneys. It waited for you to tune in. TODO Media Network Corp didn’t wait. It walked straight into the market.

On January 23, 2023, while others were busy chasing clicks and algorithms, TODO Media asked a simpler, more grounded question: What if media didn’t chase people—what if it stayed where people already are? Not in studios. Not just on phones.
But in the palengke—where life is loud, honest, and always moving. And just like that, Radyo Merkado wasn’t just launched. It was heard.

The Morning Ritual, Rewritten

For many, mornings begin with coffee and headlines. But for vendors—the ones who wake up before sunrise and measure time in kilos of fish and bundles of gulay—information used to come second. Sometimes, not at all. Then came a voice in between the tawaran and the tsismisan. “Balita bago sukli.”Simple. Direct. Very Filipino.

A fish vendor in Kalibo once laughed and said: “Dati, presyolang ng isda ang alam ko. Ngayon pati presyo ng mundo.” And that’s when you realize—this isn’t just radio. It’s connection.

Mr. Jonathan Cabrera – TODO Media Network Corp President.

Grounded, Not Grand

You can describe TODO Media using big words—“innovative,” “multi-platform,” “strategic.” And all of that is true. But RadyoMerkado proves something better: It works because it is useful.

And as Jonathan Cabrera puts it: “We aim to empower marketgoers with relatable and useful information.” Not noise. Not filler. Just things people can actually use—
from DSWD assistance, to farming tips, to small negosyoadvice.

He adds: “From improving small business practices to understanding sustainable agriculture… our content is designed to be practical and relevant.”

No drama. No overthinking. Just real help, in real time.

Built Around Real Life

Markets are not easy audiences.

People come and go. They stay for 30 minutes, maybe less. They don’t sit and listen—they move, they sell, they buy. And instead of fighting that reality, TODO Media worked with it.

As Cabrera openly admits: “Listeners may become interested in a topic, but if they leave before the segment ends, they may miss important information.”

So they adjusted. They built an app. They made content flexible. They allowed people to continue listening beyond the market.Because the goal isn’t just to broadcast.

It’s to stay with the listener—even after they leave.

A System That Serves, Not Just Speaks

Radyo Merkado isn’t just about content. It’s about access.Through partnerships with local governments, the system doubles as a public service channel.

Cabrera explains it simply: “Our partnership allows us to provide communication infrastructure that serves a dual purpose—broadcasting our content while also giving LGUs a platform for important announcements.”

In other words, it’s not just media talking to people. It’s a platform working for people.

Growing, But Staying Grounded

What started in Aklan didn’t stay small for long. And Cabrera shares that growth with quiet pride:

“Our journey started in Aklan during the Ati-Atihan Festival… Today, we are present in public markets—around 10 in Aklan, 12 in Iloilo, and 9 in Capiz. But still in counting”

More than thirty markets. Thousands of daily listeners. But it doesn’t feel like expansion. It feels like kwentuhan—just reaching more people.

More Than Radio

Here’s what makes TODO Media different: They didn’t abandon radio. They understood it better.

While others moved everything to screens, they invested in sound that lives in real spaces—places where people don’t scroll, but listen.

And in doing so, they proved something quietly powerful: “We are exploring expansion… to bring this system to more communities.”

No big promises. Just steady growth.

The Real Power of Being Heard

It’s easy to call Radyo Merkado “innovative.” But that word feels too distant. Because what it really does is simple: It makes information feel like it belongs. Not downloaded. Not forced.
Not out of reach. But heard—while buying tomatoes, counting change, or waiting for sukli.

Final Thought: Closer, Not Louder

In the end, TODO Media Network Corp didn’t just build a platform. It built presence. A voice that fits naturally into everyday life. A system that respects how people actually live.
A reminder that sometimes, the most powerful ideas aren’t the loudest—They’re the closest.

And maybe that’s their real message: Media doesn’t have to go far to matter.
It just has to be where people already are. Right there.  Between the presyo… and the sukli.

Trump’s Dutertismo

Boni Macaranas
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Trump’s Dutertismo

U.S. PRESIDENT DONALD Trump’s war machine in tandem with Israel Prime Minister Netanyahu may be branded as a copy-cat Dutertismo’s “War on Drugs, Tokhang Operation,” that is, in the eyes of Filipinos. But the Trump/Netanyahu “War on Iran” is in a more murderous scale, as the coverage is the whole world, disrupting the economies and political stability of many sovereign states, and world peace. 

With the U.N.-unsanctioned Trump-Netanyahu war adventure, in fact known as “Genocide” against the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, it has extended its illegal war assault at the sovereign state of Iran. 

Forced to defend itself as an independent country, Iran had no choice but to retaliate against the U.S.-Israel war machine by watching how it can safeguard the Hormuz Strait, the main passageway of oil distribution that fuels the economies of many countries. 

Moreover, it has been firing missile bombs on the U.S.Military bases housed by Kuwait, Oman, Iraq, Dubai, UAE, and other Mideast countries. 

Trump and Netanyahu, until today, have undoubtedly, immeasurable blood in their hands, more accurately called “war crimes” – millions of lives lost, millions hospitalized or suffering lack of medical care, millions rendered homeless, millions unfed and starving, millions of homes, buildings and infrastructures destroyed, and humanitarian aids heartlessly prevented.   

GOD AND THE POPE

While Dutertismo attacks the Divine Creator Himself with Rodrigo Roa Duterte’s blasphemous public proclamation that “God is stupid,” Donald Trump’s public statement, “Pope Leo’s weak on crime and foreign policy” is “small time, no match” (as Filipinos would call it) because it was leveled only at the Almighty God’s human representative on planet earth, Pope Leo IV.

The original Dutertismo may pale in comparison with the global reach of Trump’s verbal attack, his adapted “Dutertismo” on the Pope, and violative-of-the-U.S.-Constitution attack on the sovereignty of Iran. 

For Filipinos, Dutertismo, since June 2016, has been bringing chaos and mayhem to more than 60,000,000 poor marginalized and vulnerable Filipinos! 

Dutertismo has created a society where millions are unemployed, dependent on government band-aid “ayuda” (which has served to perpetuate political patronage, a tool for the 80 percent of dynastic senators, congressmen and LGU officials, in retaining their self-serving anti-people political and economic powers nationwide). 

Thus, without honest-to-goodness service by government officials, until today, led by the dynastic families of President Bongbong Marcos and VP Sara Duterte, massive poverty, human rights violations, and pervasive injustices have been the lot of Filipinos since 2016. 

“God is stupid,” apparently, is the key slogan of the Marcos-Duterte regimes since 2016 and sadly pursued until today, where the Philippines is now also suffering the problematic vortex of energy crisis and world chaotic developments, initiated by the Trump-Netanyahu brutal Dutertismo style of waging what may be termed as “global EJKs.

NO OTHER OPTIONS?

The energy crisis the Philippines is facing right now is due to a large extent to Trump’s version of Dutertismo. 

However, the incompetence and limitations of the current Marcos-Duterte in its style, or strategy, if any, of governance is highlighted. 

Aware (or have they been ignorant?) of the country’s over-dependence on the importation of oil for decades to keep the economy running, President Bongbong Marcos and VP Sara Duterte should have explored other options, especially the possibility of alternative sources of energy that may be available from the natural resources found in an archipelagic Philippines. 

The Filipino people are worried: “This Dutertismo-decision-making is built-in in this administration?!”    

#ThePHInsider

#KaBoniMacaranas

#CriticalAnalysis

#Dutertismo

#WarOnIran

#DonaldTrump

#GodIsStupid

#PopeLeo

#dynasticfamilies

Senate Ethics Panel Finally Goes To Work

Ernesto Reyes
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Senate Ethics Panel Finally Goes To Work

FROM HOW IT looks, the 24-member Senate body will be reduced by at least two — both coming from the minority bloc.

This comes as the Senate committee on ethics and privileges hinted at proceeding with its work after securing enough signatures for its rules, which are already poised for publication.

According to Senator JV Ejercito, in his capacity as committee chairman, hearings on ethics complaints filed against members of the upper chamber will be held once the rules are published in a major newspaper.

“The Committee can soon discharge its functions, including the evaluation of complaints and the conduct of hearings. We will proceed as soon as the Rules are published,” the senator said in a statement.

Among those who affixed their signature for the committee rules include Senators Francis Pangilinan, Erwin Tulfo, Risa Hontiveros, Panfilo Lacson, Juan Miguel Zubiri, and Ejercito himself. 

“We have been awaiting the completion of the required six signatures since our last meeting in March, and we thank our colleagues for their support,” he added.

The committee members are set to meet again on April 28, to review pending complaints for compliance with form and substance.

Senators facing ethics complaints include Senators Ronald dela Rosa, Risa Hontiveros, Francis Escudero, and the committee chairman himself. 

The committee chairman assured that all complaints will be heard based on the “first in, first out” basis, depending on whether they comply with form and substance. 

If a complaint is found to have complied with the required form and substance, a copy will be transmitted to the respondent within five days.

The panel will then conduct a preliminary inquiry to determine whether substantial credible evidence exists. If evidence is found, the committee will decide on the appropriate action through a vote, which may include proceeding to an adjudicatory hearing.

Flood Project Involving Revilla Is Non-Existent

Rose de la Cruz
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Flood Project Involving Revilla Is Non-Existent

THE P92.8-million flood control project in Pandi, Bulacan — for which former Senator Bong Revilla has been charged and detained — is one perfect example of a ghost project.

In a hearing conducted by the Sandiganbayan Third Division, Bulacan First District Engineering Office OIC Kenneth Fernando hinted at the results of an inspection conducted by his team.

According to Fernando, they found no visible structure at the site where a flood control structure is supposed to be constructed. He however admitted seeing minimal signs of rusting sheet piles.

“There is no accomplishment, your honor,” when asked about the project’s status by the Sandiganbayan Third Division contingent inspection on Wednesday.

The project, which prosecutors aptly referred to as a ghost project under a contract number ending in 299, was supposed to span 128 meters. 

Fernando stressed there “are no structures seen,” which is why he said “zero accomplishment.” 

Defense lawyers present during the inspection disputed the claim, saying sheet piles could be buried underground and that the assessment lacked technical basis.

Sandiganbayan Third Division Chairperson Karl Miranda directed the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) maintenance personnel to verify whether buried sheet piles were present.

“The court should be able to satisfy itself,” said Miranda, the only Sandiganbayan Associate Justice of the Third Division who walked on the entire stretch of the grassy and uneven path that was supposed to be the location of the P92.8 million project.

The maintenance crew later trimmed tall grass covering the area and found at least three sets of barely visible, rusting sheet piles.

The inspection was conducted after two prosecution witnesses earlier gave conflicting accounts of the project’s location, including a National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) witness who pointed to a site adjacent the actual project area.

The NBI witness, Atty. Ivan Samson, earlier testified before the Sandiganbayan that the coordinates of the adjacent site were provided by DPWH officials when he sought the location of the P92.8-million flood control project in Pandi, Bulacan.

The adjacent site had visible structures but remained unfinished.

The prosecution panel said the inspection strengthened its claim that the project is a ghost project, despite the presence of barely visible, rusting sheet piles.

“Definitely, there is no structure there. We don’t even know if those are really sheet piles or how long they are. It appears they were placed a long time ago because they are already rusting and the area is covered with heavy vegetation,” the prosecution said.

During the same inspection, DPWH Engr. John Michael Ramos, project engineer of the adjacent flood control project, testified that it is separate from the project which involved Revilla et al.

Ramos, who was present during the inspection, identified the site of the project with a contract number ending in 647, which has an existing structure.

From that location, there was a 40-meter gap to the site of the P92.8-million project, as identified by District Engr. Fernando.

“The current district engineer pointed to us the actual location of the contract number ending in 299 [in the Revilla case], which is far from 647. So the location is now settled. The fact that it is a ghost project is now settled,” the prosecution said, adding that there is no overlapping, as testified to by the project engineer of 647,” it added.

Defense lawyers agreed that no visible structures were seen on the surface but maintained that sheet piles and concrete piles were embedded in the riverbank.

Sandiganbayan Third Division Chairperson Miranda, however, clarified that the inspection team could not determine how deep the sheet piles were and that these were visible only in certain portions of the site.

MIC Funding Oil Storage Facility

LOUIE LEGARDA
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MIC Funding Oil Storage Facility

AFTER starting on the wrong foot, the Maharlika Investment Corporation (MIC) is finally talking about something that would serve the very purpose for which it was created.

During the 13-panel Legislative Energy Action and Development Joint Committee, MIC President and Chief Executive Officer Rafael Consing hinted at the idea of investing in an expanded oil storage facility that would protect the country from future oil surges triggered by conflicts among oil-producing countries.

According to Consing, the idea is to construct an oil storage facility under a consortium model, with the Philippine National Oil Company (PNOC) providing the land, while the MIC and the private investors will shoulder the financial requirement and the private sector into tank farms.

Once completed, the private sector will handle the operation aspect of the oil storage facility.

“That [consortium model] would expand storage capacity without forcing the MIC itself to take direct market risk on fuel inventory,” Consing said.

“That is an intermediate term plan. I envision that to be a solution that will come maybe about two to three years from the time we, in fact, start working,” he added.

The price of the landed fuel or the refined fuel imported overseas has gone up by about 60% to 70%. As such, Consing said retailers have to cash out 60% to 100% more in working capital just to be able to retain the old inventory.  

“That, I think, is what we should look at as a nation. How can we help them? This idea of storage or a strategy regarding storage, I must admit, it is a reaction to the existing situation because we were not thinking, we were not anticipating this event. Now that we already have this and we’ve studied it… in fact, we are aiming for three levels of solutions,” Consing averred.

Local pump prices have soared exponentially since the war between US-Israeli forces and Iran broke out on February 28. The Philippines imports 98 percent of its local demand from the Middle East.

Access to Strait of Hormuz, a major passageway for oil supply worldwide, has been severely constricted by a blockade of Iranian forces, as well as another blockade of American ships.

With delivery of supply on hold, fuel prices have already breached P100 per liter over the last two weeks, triggering a domino effect on the cost of food, energy, transportation, among others.

Sabong Aficionados Coddling Atong Ang

Edwin Moreno
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Sabong Aficionados Coddling Atong Ang

THE HUNT FOR fugitive gaming tycoon has become tougher as ever with a long list of cockfight aficionados coddling Charlie “Atong” Ang.

In an interview, a reliable source who forms part of the so-called “Barkadahan sa Sabungan” told The PH Insider that Ang is enjoying the protection of friends and business associates enjoying a similar passion as his — cockfighting.

“Posible pero hindi magiging madali,” said the source when asked as to whether the Philippine National Police (PNP) stands a chance to arrest Ang who is facing non-bailable charges arising from the abduction and death of the so-called “missing sabungeros.”

He however declined to provide hints as to who the coddlers are.

“Ang masasabi ko lang, magaling makisama si Atong kaya tumatanaw din naman ng utang na loob ang mga kaibigan niya… marami sa kanila guminhawa ang buhay dahil sa kanya,” he averred.

The government has offered P20 million for information leading to Ang’s arrest.

EXTREMELY SLIPPERY

Police and other law enforcement agencies have so far conducted over 200 operations on suspected hideouts in the last three months. Not one yielded positive results.

A few days ago, Interior and Local Government Secretary Jonvic Remulla called for a press conference where he described the most purge as a close call after spotting Ang somewhere in the Calabarzon region two weeks ago..

It was not certain though where exactly the fugitive was spotted. The gaming tycoon notoriously famous for e-sabong maintains properties in the provinces of Laguna, Batangas and Rizal.

SAFE HIDING HAVEN

As of April 2026, authorities have identified and searched several properties in the Calabarzon region linked to businessman Ang. 

These properties include a massive estate spanning over 30 hectares located in Lipa City and Rosario (both located in Batangas province), a cock hub in Pangil town (Laguna) and at the upland portion of Jalajala (Rizal).

“Atong was spotted in Region 4-A two weeks ago. Nakita siya… We had follow-up operations. We missed him by a day,” Remulla was quoted in a report which was first released by the GMA News.

LEAN CORDON TEAM

To prevent being detected, the DILG chief claimed that Ang has been moving from one place to another every three to five days with a lean team tasked to look after him.

“Apparently, he travels in a small group. Parang tatlo lang sila. Tapos palipat-lipat siya ng bahay every three days, four days, five days. Lipat na siya nang lipat all around the Philippines,” he added.

Prior to the filing of criminal charges arising from the alleged abduction and murder of the “missing sabungeros,” Ang is usually guarded by a squadron of security aides.

ANG IS EVERYWHERE

Earlier this month, reports suggested Ang may have been hiding in Vietnam, a neighboring country to which the Philippines has an existing extradition treaty.

“Si Atong Ang ang latest balita namin nasa Vietnam… gumagawa kami ng diplomatic efforts para kausapin ‘yung counterparts namin doon para tingnan ‘yung immigration record nila kung nandoon talaga,” Remulla told the GMA

“Kausap na nila Chief PNP ang mga counterparts nila so malalaman natin ang resulta,” said the DILG chief who hinted at the possibility that Ang escaped via the backdoor in Mindanao.

“Doon siya sa Mindanao papuntang Malaysia. Tapos umabot siyang Vietnam” Remulla added.

WARRANT OF ARREST

Arrest warrants have been issued against Ang and others, stemming from multiple counts of kidnapping with homicide and kidnapping and serious illegal detention in connection with the missing sabungeros case.

Ang has denied the allegations against him.

Philippine authorities earlier requested the issuance of an Interpol red notice against Ang. As defined by the Interpol, a red notice is a request to law enforcement worldwide to locate and provisionally arrest a person pending extradition, surrender, or similar legal action. 

Come For The Buffet, Stay For The View: The Elynna’s Cafe Experience

Cheryl Luis True
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Come For The Buffet, Stay For The View: The Elynna’s Cafe Experience

THERE ARE PLACES you go to eat… and then there are places that quietly teach you how to slow down and feel your mornings again. Somewhere along the coastal stretch of Iloilo, facing the calm, almost poetic outline of Guimaras, sits Elynna’s Cafe—a café that doesn’t try too hard to impress, yet somehow leaves a lasting impression long after your coffee cup is empty.

A Breakfast That Feels Like a Pause Button

Let’s be honest—breakfast buffets can sometimes feel like a race. But here? It’s different. Weekends don’t feel like a buffet. They feel like a ritual. You arrive not just hungry—but curious. The air carries a mix of salt from the sea and the comforting smell of brewed coffee. And then you see it—the view. That quiet, steady stretch of water… and beyond it, Guimaras Island. It’s the kind of view that doesn’t demand attention—it gently holds it. And suddenly, breakfast isn’t just about food anymore.

The Food: Honest, Familiar, and Real

The weekend breakfast buffet leans into simplicity—and that’s exactly its strength. Fresh eggs cooked upon request. Classic breakfast staples. Warm local kakanin. Bread, pastries, and comforting soup. Nothing overly curated. Nothing trying too hard. Just good food served the way it should be—warm, fresh, and meant to be shared. Visitors often note its relaxing ambiance and coastal dining experience, making it ideal for family and friends. 

The Underrated Star: The Kiwi Cookie

And then there’s the quiet standout. The Kiwi Cookie. It’s not loud. It’s not flashy. But it lingers. There’s a subtle tang from the kiwi that balances the sweetness—making it surprisingly refreshing. Not your typical dessert. Not your typical flavor. Pair it with their brew coffee, and suddenly everything makes sense. That moment—cookie in one hand, coffee in the other, sea breeze brushing past—you’re not just eating. You’re pausing life for a second.

The View: Where Time Softens

What truly elevates the experience is what surrounds you.Guests often describe the café as having an “amazing view of Iloilo Strait and Guimaras Island”—and that’s not an exaggeration. Morning light feels gentle here. Afternoons stretch without urgency. And sunsets? They don’t just end the day—they wrap it up beautifully.

The Honest Take

Because every real experience deserves honesty: Service can slow down during peak hours. The buffet is simple—not extensive. Some visits may feel more relaxed than polished. But maybe that’s the point. This place isn’t chasing perfection. It’s offering presence.

Why You’ll Come Back

Because in a world that keeps rushing you… Elynna’s Cafe gently asks you to stay. Stay for another cup of coffee. Stay for one more story with friends. Stay for the sunset you didn’t plan to watch. Located at Costa Del Estrella Foodpark, Bitoon, Jaro, Iloilo City, Iloilo City, Philippines. Facebook page at https://www.facebook.com/elynnas.caffe.

Final Thought

If you’re looking for a grand, overwhelming buffet—this may not be your place. But if you’re looking for a weekend that feels like a deep breath—coffee, sea view, soft conversations, and that unexpectedly perfect kiwi cookie—Then this isn’t just a café. It’s a feeling you’ll want to come back to.

What Term Sharing? 

Rose de la Cruz
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What Term Sharing? 

THE ASSASSINATION PLOTS allegedly hatched by the Dutertes and some retired generals to unseat President Marcos Jr. is nothing new to the Palace resident but the supposed term-sharing arrangement reached between Marcos and the Dutertes is a complete surprise to the President.

Palace press officer Claire Castro told newsmen that Marcos was “surprised” when informed about the development, saying that he had no knowledge about that term-sharing arrangement.

She said Marcos remains committed to completing his term until June 2028.

“He did not campaign for the presidency just to give the position to anyone. He promised to work for the country and he will finish his term for the Filipinos,” Castro added.

The plot to unseat Marcos by all means was revealed in Tuesday’s impeachment hearings of VP Sara Duterte by resource person Ramil Madriaga, who read his notarized and sworn statements.

‘Marcos was “surprised” when informed about the development, saying that he had no knowledge about that term-sharing arrangement … He did not campaign for the presidency just to give the position to anyone… promised to work for the country and he will finish his term for the Filipinos,” Castro added.’

DEATH THREATS

During the House justice committee hearing, Madriaga, who claimed to be a bagman of the Vice President, told lawmakers that former President Rodrigo Duterte and several retired military generals had discussed plans to unseat Marcos, including a supposed assassination plot.

But at the palace briefing, Castro downplayed the threats against the life of Marcos as nothing new, citing previous remarks made by the Vice President and most recently, by her brother Davao City Mayor Sebastian “Baste” Duterte.

“The NBI is mandated to investigate these kinds of death threats, whether against the President or any ordinary citizen,” Castro said, adding that there should be no need for a separate directive from Malacañang for the agency to act.

Madriaga– who is still in detention for allegedly leading a kidnapping syndicate– was a former counter intelligence agent and a self-confessed former aide to the Dutertes. Information about him is largely based on his two affidavits, first submitted in December 2025 and the second during Tuesday’s impeachment hearings. There is also a court decision on his kidnapping case in 2003 and news of his arrest two decades later. 

His November 2025 notarized statement said he worked two years at the now-defunct Economic Intelligence and Investigation Bureau while studying law at the San Sebastian College in Manila in the early 1990s. Madriiaga said he graduated from law school in 1995 but did not pass the bar exam in the same year.

In 1997, the Pasig City Regional Trial Court found Madriaga and two others guilty of kidnapping businessman Vicente Uy for a P10-million ransom. The lower court sentenced them to death, but the Supreme Court acquitted them in 2003. The High Court decision cited the lack of sufficient evidence to prove their guilt beyond reasonable doubt and, in a twist, even recognized Madriaga for playing a role in the rescue. 

DUTERTE CONNECTION

From 2001 until his introduction to the Dutertesbetween late 2015 and 2016, Madriaga claimed to have worked at the National Security Council.

Despite the VP’s persistent claim of not knowing Madriaga, he presented annexes showing pictures of his active involvement in the campaign for the 2022 elections and receiving mobilization and transport funds from both the former president and VP Sara.

He also claimed to be delivering funds to some political allies of VP Sara from both her personal and confidential funds, of over P120 million, which he said he dispensed upon her order not in 11 days but within 24 hours.

From 2018 to 2021, under Duterte’s administration, Madriaga said he worked as a civil counter-intelligence agent for the government. He provided intelligence information for the government’s anti-drug campaign, “Oplan Double Barrel,” and taught tactical driving and strategic transport courses for the Presidential Security Group.

His work, he said, also included a plan to “sabotage” former Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, a vocal critic of the older Duterte’s administration.

From being an intelligence agent, Madriaga said he transitioned to become part of the younger Duterte’s political team for her campaign in the 2022 elections. He said he was previously introduced to Duterte’s daughter, then-Davao City mayor, in 2018. 

BANK WAIVER

Madriaga admitted to having served as a bank “dummy” for the older Duterte, through which millions of pesos were coursed, including funds for his daughter’s national aspirations. 

Towards the end of his testimony, Madriaga signed and submitted to the House a waiver to the bank secrecy law, allowing the justice committee to open his numerous dummy bank accounts– which many believe could ascertain the financial largesse he had been getting from the elder and lady Duterte.

In July 2023, Madriaga was arrested by the Philippine National Police Anti-Kidnapping Group for allegedly leading a kidnap-for-ransom syndicate, which is named after him. The police called the group “one of the most dangerous criminal syndicates” and said that Madriaga was its 5th most wanted person in the country.

Madriaga said he believed that former Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque (now fleeing from the law) filed the kidnapping case against him because he stopped Roque from allegedly grabbing land from farmers in Bataan, including the 17 farmers who filed a complaint against Roque. The latter denied these claims.

Since his arrest, Madriaga has been detained at Camp Bagong Diwa in Taguig City.

Madriaga claimed that sometime in October 2025, he saw the Vice President at the detention facility and spoke with her over the phone. He said she was “apologetic” to him for failing to help him in his ongoing case.

BETRAYED!

Madriaga said he felt “betrayed” that the Vice President did not stop Roque, a known Duterte ally and supporter, thus prompting the two’s fallout.

While detained, Madriaga made headlines in December 2025 when his affidavit—notarized in November 2025—was submitted, through a lawyer, to the Office of the Ombudsman. In his affidavit, he declared his connections to the Dutertes.

Since executing an affidavit, Madriaga has expressed fears for his safety, claiming that on March 3, he was attempted being forcibly dragged into a confined bodega. He believed that it was a threat from former Negros Oriental Rep. Arnie Teves, who allegedly met with the Vice President at Camp Bagong Diwa. Teves is also detained there for allegedly masterminding the murder of former Negros Oriental Governor Roel Degamo.

VP Duterte has denied Madriaga’s claims, and on March 4, she filed a perjury complaint against him before the Taguig City Prosecutor’s Office.

#thephinsider

#whistleblower

#ImpeachmentTrial

#RamilMadriaga

#DuterteBagman

#Betrayed

#TermSharing

#PresidentMarcos

#VicePresidentSaraDuterte

Why Every Filipino Should Know The Law

Eduard M. Riparip, Esq
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Why Every Filipino Should Know The Law

IGNORANTIA LEGIS NON excusat. Ignorance of the law excuses no one. This basic legal principle espouses that a person’s lack of knowledge of laws, or absence thereof, cannot be invoked as a defense against legal liability. To put it simply, a person cannot avoid responsibility merely by claiming that he or she did not know the law. In our country, this doctrine is explicitly embodied in Article 3 of the Civil Code of the Philippines, which provides: “Ignorance of the law excuses no one from compliance therewith.”

Yet, ironically, ordinary Filipinos are unaware and ill-informed of even the most basic laws that govern their everyday lives. They believe that knowledge of law is only for lawyers, judges, or people involved in the legal system. For a lot of people, the law feels distant, complicated, and sometimes even intimidating. 

But the truth is quite the opposite: the law unobtrusively shapes our everyday lives in many ways we may not always know.

‘Through real-life scenarios, common questions, and timely legal topics, the goal is not merely to give answers but to cultivate awareness. The more citizens understand the law, the more capable they become of protecting their rights and fulfilling their obligations responsibly.’

LEGALLY LITERATE

As a lawyer and educator, I have always hoped for a legally literate nation––people having functional and practical knowledge of law, albeit basic. A legally literate population is better equipped to comprehend legislations, assert rights, conform with legal obligations, and engage profoundly in civic and social life. I have always believed that when citizens, particularly marginalized or underprivileged groups, understand their legal rights, they can challenge injustices with far greater force. 

When we sign an employment contract, ride a jeepney, loan money from a friend, borrow a classmate’s phone for a selfie, buy something online, post on social media, or even settle disputes with our neighbors, we are already having contact with the law. Whether we realize it or not, legal rules directly and indirectlyinfluence many of the decisions we make every day.

Unfortunately, a lack of basic legal knowledge often leaves people helpless. Some sign documents without reading them. Others believe common myths, such as thinking that oral agreements have no legal effect or that legal remedies are only available to those who can afford expensive litigation. In reality, many legal protections exist precisely to safeguard ordinary citizens.

This is why legal literacy matters.

Legal literacy is not a simple ability to recognize legal terms or legal concepts, but the strong skills to understand, interpret, and apply laws in our daily lives. While having a fundamental knowledge of law is understandable, particularly for non-lawyers, it remains imperative to develop a community of legally literate individuals who are well-informed of their rights, duties, obligations, and freedoms.

Legal literacy does not require memorizing law provisions or becoming an expert in jurisprudence or cases decided by the Supreme Court. Rather, it means knowing enough about the law to make informed decisions, avoid common pitfalls, and recognize when legal advice may be necessary.

EMPOWERING CITIZENS

More importantly, knowledge of law is not exclusive to legal practitioners, but it is a fundamental necessity for every citizen. Lawyers do not have the monopoly of legal knowledge. The law ultimately exists for society as a whole, and understanding it is both a protection for individuals and a responsibility of citizenship. When people possess even basic legal knowledge, they are better equipped to make sound decisions, safeguard themselves from legal exploitation and government abuses and intrusion, and actively participate in democratic governance.

Consider these few examples: A person who understands basic contract law will be more cautious before signing an agreement. Someone familiar with consumer rights will know what to do when faced with defective products or fraudulent online sellers. A social media user who understands cybercrime laws may think twice before posting statements that could potentially lead to cyber libel complaints. A citizen who knows his or her constitutional rights will also know what to do if a police officer searches his home without a warrant or makes an unlawful arrest. 

Similarly, someone who understands anti-corruption laws will recognize when public officials misuse government funds or abuse their authority—and know that such actions can be questioned and reported.

In a nutshell, knowledge of the law empowers citizens.

ACCESS TO LAW

This column, Legal Classroom, is built on that simple idea: the law should not remain confined to courtrooms, law schools, or thick legal textbooks. Every Filipino must have access to it. Just as a classroom is a place for learning and understanding, this column hopes to serve as a small public space where legal concepts are explained in clear, practical language.

Each week, we will explore legal issues that touch ordinary lives. We may discuss questions such as: What makes a contract legally binding? What rights do employees have in the workplace? What happens when a borrower fails to pay a debt? When does a social media post become legally problematic? What remedies are available when someone’s rights are violated?

Through real-life scenarios, common questions, and timely legal topics, the goal is not merely to give answers but to cultivate awareness. The more citizens understand the law, the more capable they become of protecting their rights and fulfilling their obligations responsibly.

Legal literacy, in this sense, is not only an educational goal but also a democratic necessity. The law, after all, is not merely a collection of rules. At its best, it mirrorssociety’s commitment to fairness, order, and justice. But for the law to serve these purposes effectively, it must also be understood by the people it is meant to protect.

As we begin this Legal Classroom, I invite readers to approach the law not with fear or confusion, but with curiosity. Ask questions. Seek understanding. Engage with the rules that shape our shared social life.

Because in the end, the law is not only for lawyers.

It is for everyone. Class dismissed!

Very ‘Hot’ Times

Erlie Lopez
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0
Very ‘Hot’ Times

A FULL-BLOWN WAR is not an unimaginablescenario in the United States-Israel military attack on Iran for two months now.  The two-week ceasefire which required Iran’s re-opening of the Strait of Hormuz to oil-transporting ships had ceased just after a couple of days when Israel bombed Lebanon riling Iran to close the strait again. As I write this, the 21-hour negotiation meeting of the warring countries in Tehran mediated by Pakistan just collapsed with no peace deal reached.

‘Politics at home is neither cool, besides … Despite exposition of extra-judicial crimes, massive corruption, alleged plunder by high officials, and rubbish statements from politicians voters chose, fanatics stay with unworthy personalities regardless.’   

POLITICAL HEAT

​Of course, the egoistic President Donald Trumpwill still be fuming mad – nostrils and neck veins eschewing invectives that can also “kill” the enemy’s either patriotic courage or just-as-strong lust for power. 

​The rest of the world, however, cannot just sit by to follow a political drama and wish for a happy ending. Oil prices at pumping stations still go up after skyrocketing already in the early days of tension. Oil may have to be sourced outside Middle East, and maybe at higher cost. As a result, other commodities and services, are challenging many people’s purchasing power. Life has gotten harder and harder, really. And government as well as whole of nation just have to step up with solutions.

​Politics at home is neither cool, besides. There are fierce and ugly conflicts in government affairs that dominate social media. Despite exposition of extra-judicial crimes, massive corruption, alleged plunder by high officials, and rubbish statements from politicians voters chose, fanatics stay with unworthy personalities regardless.  

EL NINO YEAR?

​Whatever’s happening in the world, El Niño is flaring up. Climate scientists believe that a rare, strong El Niño typically known as “Super El Niño” could form in the coming months this year.  This phenomenon occurs when Pacific Ocean temperatures increase at least 2 degrees Celsius above average, which is very rare. This new one could even be the strongest in at least a decade (the last was in 2015-2016), coupled with rising temperatures due to climate change, causing punishing drought in some regions and severe storms in others.   

​The Philippines, we know, is surrounded by the Pacific Ocean in the east. And the devastation by El Niño in the past decades, is not lost in the memory of Filipinos, directly the farmers and fishermen. The rest had to suffer the heat that could burn the skin, choke the air passages, and sap energy for work and life’s other routines.

​Amid the political and temperature heat, “Keep your cool” may not be a sensitive and sound advice.

#ErlieLopez

#Daybreak

#ThePHInsider

#ElNino

#PoliticalHeat

Can Your Body Really ‘Detox’ — Or Is That Just Marketing?

Gwenn Canlas
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8
Can Your Body Really ‘Detox’ — Or Is That Just Marketing?

LET ME PUT it this way.

If your body actually needed a detox product to stay alive, you wouldn’t be scrolling through options—you’d be in a hospital.

But somehow, we’ve been sold the idea that our bodies are constantly filling up with “toxins,” and the solution is a tea, a juice cleanse, or whatever product is trending this week.

It sounds logical at first. It’s also not how your body works.

You already have a built-in detox system. Actually, more than one. Your liver and your kidneys are doing that job every single day—quietly, efficiently, and without needing help from anything sold in a box.

Your lungs and skin help out too. This isn’t new or controversial. It’s basic physiology.

THE REAL APPEAL

So why does the detox idea stick?

Because the word “toxins” is just vague enough to make people uneasy. It feels scientific, but most of the time, no one really explains what those toxins are—or how a specific product is supposed to remove them.

And when you’re tired, bloated, or just not feeling your best, it’s easy to want a quick fix. Something you can take, drink, or follow for a few days and feel like you’ve reset your system.

That’s the real appeal. Not science—certainty.

Now, to be fair, detoxification is a real medical concept. If someone is poisoned, overdosing, or dealing with severe organ problems, the body may need help. But that kind of detox happens in a hospital, under supervision.

Not in a sachet.

A DIFFERENT REALITY

In my 12 years as an acupuncturist, I’ve seen a different reality. People don’t come in because their body forgot how to detox. They come in because they’ve been running on poor sleep, high stress, irregular meals, and habits that slowly catch up with them.

Over time, the body doesn’t fail—it just gets overwhelmed.

And this is where acupuncture often gets misunderstood.

It’s not about “removing toxins.” That’s an oversimplification. What it actually does, when used properly, is help regulate how the body functions—improving circulation, calming the nervous system, and helping different systems work together more efficiently.

In other words, it supports the body. It doesn’t replace it.

And that’s really the point.

If your goal is better health, the focus shouldn’t be on forcing your body to flush things out overnight. It should be on making sure the systems responsible for handling waste and recovery are working properly to begin with.

That doesn’t come from a three-day cleanse.

It comes from things people already know—but don’t always follow. Sleeping enough. Eating with some consistency. Managing stress. Moving regularly. Not pushing your body all week and expecting to fix everything over the weekend.

SHORTCUTS OR TRENDS

In clinic, I’ve seen patients improve—not because they added another product, but because they finally addressed the basics.

Nothing dramatic. Just fewer things working against their body.

So before you spend money on something that promises to “cleanse” you, take a step back and ask a more useful question:

Are you actually supporting the systems that are already keeping you alive?

Because real health isn’t about shortcuts or trends.

It’s about working with your body—day in, day out—whether it’s convenient or not.

The Certified Prick—

Your body keeps score—quietly, daily, honestly.

The question is: are you paying attention?

#TheCertifiedPrick

#GwennCanlas

#Acupuncturist

#PayAttention

#Detox

SC’s Judicial Restraint In Sara’s Impeachment

Ernesto Reyes
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0
SC’s Judicial Restraint In Sara’s Impeachment

THE SUPREME COURT exercised judicial restraint by declining to halt impeachment proceedings against Vice President Sara Duterte, and urged the justices to allow Congress to carry out its constitutional duty.

Despite its broad constitutional authority to review the acts of the political branches, the Court’s decision not to intervene in the impeachment case was a clear demonstration of restraint.

The Supreme Court did not issue a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) to stop the House of Representatives’ impeachment proceedings against Duterte.

According to former Senate President Franklin Drilon,
the High Court’s exercise of judicial restraint has allowed the impeachment process to proceed.

Drilon, who also served as Justice Secretary, explained that the Constitution grants the Supreme Court the authority to correct grave abuses of discretion committed by any branch of government, a power that has been broadly interpreted to cover even the President and Congress. He noted that SC’s expanded judicial authority was introduced under the 1987 Constitution and did not exist in the 1935 Constitution.

He emphasized the framers of the 1987 Constitution consciously expanded the Court’s authority to check the other branches of government.

“Today, we see a very powerful Supreme Court, and these powers were consciously granted by the framers of the Constitution. They found it essential that the Supreme Court be given the authority to check the Executive and Congress,” Drilon said. “Given that broad power, the Court can correct all grave abuses of discretion which, in its judgment, require correction.”

Despite that authority, Drilon said the Court deserved praise for staying out of the impeachment proceedings and allowing the impeachment process to proceed.

“Thus, I am glad that the Supreme Court, in its recent actions, has refrained from getting involved in the impeachment process,” he said. “I take my hat off to the Supreme Court for the judicial restraint it has exercised, especially in the latest petitions filed to restrain Congress from performing its constitutional duty of impeachment.”

As such, Drilon reminded Congress to carry out its responsibilities.

He added that the current constitutional debates were significant for the legal community and the public.

“We live in very interesting times, particularly for law students, lawyers, and the public in general,” Drilon said.

“My memoir, in many of its pages, describes the interplay of powers among these different branches of government. I myself was in the middle of many of those conflicts when I was sued right and left because of the decisions I made as Senate President.”

Drilon, who attended high school at what was then known as the University of the Philippines Iloilo College — now University of the Philippines Visayas — also addressed the law students in attendance.

“For the law students present in this room, this memoir is a testament to the law as a living, breathing instrument,” he said. “In the legal profession, we often focus on the what—the statutes, the precedents, the black-letter law. Being Frank hopefully shows you the how. It illustrates the temperament required to uphold the rule of law when political winds are blowing in the opposite direction.”

Gerry Roxas Leadership Award Continues Legacy of Excellence

Maribel Asis J.
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Gerry Roxas Leadership Award Continues Legacy of Excellence

FOR NEARLY SIX decades, the Gerry Roxas Foundation has upheld a proud tradition of recognizing the country’s most promising young leaders through the prestigious Gerry Roxas Leadership Award—a distinction that celebrates not only academic excellence, but more importantly, integrity, service, and leadership.

Established in 1967 in honor of the late Senator Gerry Roxas, the award has since become one of the Philippines’ most respected symbols of youth achievement. Each year to this date, outstanding high school students from both public and private schools are selected to receive the award, represented by a medallion that signifies their commitment to leadership and nation-building.

To date, more than 46,000 students nationwide have been recognized—young individuals who have demonstrated a rare combination of intellect, initiative, and a deep sense of social responsibility. The award continues to serve as a powerful platform for inspiring the next generation to become active contributors to their communities and the country.

‘Beyond this recognition, the award embodies a deeper mission: to nurture leaders guided by values that endure. Rooted in the ideals championed by its founder and the late Judy Araneta Roxas, it calls on the youth to lead with purpose, act with integrity, and serve with compassion.’

DISTINGUISHED AWARDEES
Over the years, the roster of awardees has grown into an impressive network of leaders who have made their mark across diverse sectors. Among them are Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, Fr. Tito Caluag, Charo Santos-Concio, Leila de Lima, Tonisito Umali, Nicasio Conti, Anthony Leachon, Patrick Azanza, Joey Lina, Ramon Isberto, Josefina Belmonte, L.A. Ruanto, Margarita Holmes, Marites Dañguilan Vitug, and Anthony Pangilinan—individuals who have distinguished themselves in public service, education, business, media, science, and the arts.

Beyond this recognition, the award embodies a deeper mission: to nurture leaders guided by values that endure. Rooted in the ideals championed by its founder and the late Judy Araneta Roxas, it calls on the youth to lead with purpose, act with integrity, and serve with compassion.

As each new generation of awardees steps forward, the legacy of the Gerry Roxas Leadership Award (GRLA) continues to shine—keeping alive a vision of a better Philippines shaped by principled, service-driven leadership.

At 2pm on Thursday, April 18, GRLAs will gather at the Quezon City Sports Complex for the Awardees’ Assembly 2026.

#GerryRoxasFoundation

#gerryroxasleadershipawardees

#GRLAinc

#communityofleaders

#excellenceintegrityservice

#awardeesassembly2026

#thelegacyliveson

#youthleadership

When “Free” Means Something More: A Timely Gesture from GCash

Cheryl Luis True
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0
When “Free” Means Something More: A Timely Gesture from GCash

IN A WORLD where convenience often comes with a price tag—sometimes quietly tucked into “processing fees” and “service charges”—the word free tends to raise eyebrows. Is it real? Is there a catch? Or is it simply a rare moment where a company decides that profit can take a backseat to people?

GCash’s recent move to extend zero transfer fees for transactions involving the Middle East until April 30, 2026, invites us to pause and reflect—not just on the feature itself, but on what it represents.

At face value, the initiative is straightforward: Filipinos working in countries like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and others can send money home without being charged transaction fees. Their families in the Philippines can also send funds back—free of charge in select corridors. No complicated registration, no hoops to jump through. Fees are even returned automatically via cashback, a subtle but clever way of making the “free” feel immediate and tangible

But beyond the mechanics lies a deeper narrative—one that resonates strongly with the Filipino experience.

For decades, overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) have been the quiet backbone of the Philippine economy. Their remittances keep households afloat, fund education, and sometimes even build entire communities. Yet behind every remittance is a story of distance—missed birthdays, late-night calls, and the constant balancing act between sacrifice and hope.

In that context, removing transfer fees is not just a financial adjustment; it’s a symbolic one. It says: We see you. We understand that every peso counts.

Of course, this move is not without strategic value for GCash. In a competitive fintech landscape, gestures like these strengthen user loyalty and reinforce brand trust. By aligning itself with national priorities—supporting Filipinos abroad and promoting financial inclusion—GCash positions itself not just as a service provider, but as a partner in everyday life.

And yet, there’s something refreshingly human about the timing. The extension is framed as a response to ongoing developments in the Middle East, suggesting an awareness that financial tools must adapt to real-world uncertainties. In times of instability, even small economic reliefs can have outsized emotional impact.

Critics might argue that waived fees are temporary, that eventually the system returns to its usual structure. That’s true. But perhaps the value of this initiative lies not in its permanence, but in its presence when it matters most.

Because sometimes, what people need isn’t a grand overhaul—it’s a moment of ease. A transaction that doesn’t make you hesitate. A notification that says your money arrived, intact, without deductions.

In extending this zero-fee policy, GCash does something quietly powerful: it turns a routine financial action into an act of reassurance.

And in a world where uncertainty often travels faster than money, that might just be the most valuable transfer of all.

Love, Lies, And The Law: When Online Romance Becomes A Crime

Mark Bacsain, ESQ
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0
Love, Lies, And The Law: When Online Romance Becomes A Crime

THERE WAS A time when love letters took weeks to arrive. Now, it takes only seconds to start trusting someone you have never met.

Across the Philippines, especially in homes shaped by distance, long work hours, or life abroad—online relationships have quietly become part of everyday life. What begins as a simple message request can turn into daily conversations. And somewhere along the way, those conversations begin to matter more than expected.

Then, almost inevitably, money enters the picture.“Pahiram muna”; “Emergency lang”; “Ibabalik ko agad”.

If you ask around, you will find that this story is no longer unusual. In fact, it has become uncomfortably familiar.

And more often than not, it ends the same way: silence, blocked accounts, and the slow realization that everything felt real—except it wasn’t.

So where does the law come in?

‘If a relationship began in good faith but eventually turned sour, the issue may remain civil. But if the relationship itself was used as a tool to obtain money, then criminal liability may arise. And in reality, deception is rarely obvious. It builds slowly. It feels natural. That is precisely why it works.’

THIN LINE BETWEEN DECEPTION AND CRIME

Not every failed relationship is a crime. The law does not punish people for falling out of love, changing their minds, or failing to keep personal promises.

But the situation changes when deception is present from the very beginning.

When someone creates a false identity, invents emergencies, or deliberately builds trust for the purpose of asking money, the issue is no longer emotional—it becomes legal.

Under the Revised Penal Code, Estafa arises when a person defrauds another through false pretenses or fraudulent acts. Online romance scams often fall into this pattern: fabricated personas, invented professions, and carefully constructed situations designed to convince someone to part with their money.

Strip away the platform, whether it is social media, messaging apps, or email—and what remains is intent. That is what the law looks at.

The digital setting does not remove liability. It simply changes the method.

Republic Act No. 10175, or the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012, recognizes that crimes committed through information and communications technologies carry corresponding penalties. A scam does not become less real just because it happens behind a screen.

WHAT THE COURTS CONSISTENTLY SAY

Philippine jurisprudence has long made a distinction that matters in these cases: the difference between a broken promise and fraud.

In People v. Balasa (G.R. No. 106357), the Supreme Court emphasized that deceit must exist at the very beginning—at the time the victim was induced to give money. It is not enough that a person later fails to fulfill an obligation. There must be proof that the intent to defraud was already there from the start.

This is where many online romance cases are tested.

If a relationship began in good faith but eventually turned sour, the issue may remain civil. But if the relationship itself was used as a tool to obtain money, then criminal liability may arise.

And in reality, deception is rarely obvious. It builds slowly. It feels natural. That is precisely why it works.

MODERN REALITY: LOVE AS A MODUS

Romance scams today are no longer crude or rushed. They are patient, calculated, and often deeply personal.

Some pose as overseas professionals. Others claim to be in the military, working on ships, or assigned to engineering projects abroad. Many operate in organized groups, managing multiple victims at the same time, yet making each one feel uniquely seen.

That is what makes these cases difficult.

The loss is not just financial. It is emotional. It is personal.

Victims are not simply deceived—they are studied, engaged, and gradually convinced.

DISTANCE AND JURISDICTION

A recurring challenge is that many perpetrators operate outside the Philippines.

Money is sent through remittance centers, digital wallets, or even cryptocurrency platforms. Tracing becomes more complicated. Recovery becomes uncertain.

Jurisdiction, too, becomes an issue. Enforcement does not always move as quickly as the scam itself.

And yet, the impact is undeniably local.

Filipino families lose savings. Filipino workers lose hard-earned income. Filipino households carry the consequences of transactions that may have started abroad but end very much at home.

WHERE GOVERNANCE STEPS IN

At some point, we have to admit that telling people to simply “mag-ingat” is no longer enough.

Caution helps but it cannot be the only line of defense, especially when deception is designed to feel genuine.

Government response must evolve alongside the problem.

Agencies such as the Department of Information and Communications Technology and the Philippine National Police Anti-Cybercrime Group have taken steps to address cyber-enabled crimes. But much of the system still reacts only after the damage has been done.

There is room to do more and to do better.

Clearer public education based on real scam patterns. Easier reporting mechanisms that victims can actually navigate. Stronger coordination with foreign counterparts. And financial systems that are capable of flagging suspicious transactions before they escalate.

Because these incidents are not isolated.

They reflect a broader and growing pattern of organized deception.

A QUIET BUT URGENT REALITY

Behind every online romance scam is a story that feels familiar.

A parent trying to rebuild a sense of companionship. An OFW looking for connection after years away from home. A young professional navigating relationships in a digital space.

These are not careless individuals. They are people placed in situations where trust becomes easy to give and difficult to take back.

And when that trust is abused, the law becomes their only recourse.

CLOSING THOUGHT

Love, by its nature, requires trust.

But the law exists for the moments when that trust is deliberately taken advantage of.

As more of our lives move online, the responsibility to protect people goes beyond safeguarding data or preventing financial loss. It also means recognizing how easily human connection can be used as a tool for deception.

Because these scams do not begin with money. They begin with trust. And once that is taken, everything else tends to follow.

#LawfulAffairs

#AttyMarkBacsain

#LoveLiesLaw

#Estafa

#DeceptionAndCrime

#LoveModus

Pause: See The Big Picture

Vivien Mangalindan
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0
Pause: See The Big Picture

Sometimes Ken ends up in conversations that get messy. People react, emotions rise, opinions come fast. And before he knows it—he grabs one detail… and jumps to conclusions. That’s where things lose clarity. Because he doesn’t see the full picture. 

The Back Story 

You’ve seen this. Someone says, “This isn’t working.” Then boom—

  • “Who caused this?”

Or someone hears, “The client is unhappy,” and suddenly everything feels urgent.

Later, it turns out to be one small issue. Manageable.

  • One detail looked big… but it wasn’t the full picture.

Step Back Before You Respond

Instead of reacting right away: pause. Then think.

  • “Okay… what’s really going on?”

That small pause? It changes everything.

  • From reacting to understanding
  • From guessing to seeing
  • From pressure to clarity

Smart thinking.

The Clarity Moment

Picture this. Two people talking. One is stuck on one point. The other goes—

  • “Let’s look beyond the moment.”

Energy changes. Now it’s not about proving who’s right. It’s about understanding what’s real.

And the one who sees the full picture? They guide the conversation better.

  • Not loud.
  • Not forceful.
  • Clear.

Most misunderstandings don’t come from big problems—they come from only seeing part of the story.

The Work Breakdown 

Situation:
A project is delayed at work.

Before:

  • Max: “Why is this late?”
  • Faye: “I sent my part already.”
  • Max: “Well, clearly something failed.”

Focus: blame

After:

  • Max: “Okay… let’s step back. Where’s the gap?”
  • Faye: “Design took longer due to last-minute changes.”
  • Max: “Got it. So it’s a timing shift—not effort.”

Focus: process

Relationship Signal 

Situation:
Someone feels ignored because of a late reply.

Before:

  • Lani: “You ignored me.”
  • Paul: “No, I didn’t!”
  • Lani: “You always do this.”

Focus: one message

After:

  • Paul: “Hey… I’m sorry. I left early. What’s going on?”
  • Lani: “I just felt off today.”
  • Paul: “Ahh okay… I’m here.”

Focus: emotion

The Visibility Gap 

Situation:
A community event has low turnout.

Before:

  • Jaqui: “No one supports our events.”
  • Rex: “People just don’t care.”

Focus: assumption

After:

  • Jaqui: “Let’s step back. Did people even know?”
  • Rex: “We posted late and only on one channel.”
  • Jaqui: “Oh… it’s visibility—not support.”

Focus: reality

 Tips And Techniques 

See more. Understand more. When you see the big picture…

  • You calm the conversation.
  • You remove the noise.
  • You understand before reacting.

And that changes everything.

Next time things feel intense—don’t rush.

  • Pause
  • Step back
  • Look again

Because what feels huge is not always the full story.

Remember: See the big picture before you decide. 

NSC Confirms China’s Cyanide Fishing In PH Waters

Rose de la Cruz
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0
NSC Confirms China’s Cyanide Fishing In PH Waters

CHINA isn’t just overfishing in a maritime region that sits well within the 200-nautical mile Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone, says the National Security Council.

Citing laboratory test results, the NSC claimed that he content of yellow bottles dumped by the Chinese sampans operating in the immediate vicinity of the Ayungin Shoal (Second Thomas Shoal) in Zambales yielded positive to cyanide.

Cyanide fishing is an illegal and highly destructive method of capturing live fish by using sodium or potassium cyanide to stun them. 

Primarily used by China in Southeast Asia, particularly at the West Philippine Sea and Indonesia, it supplies the global marine aquarium trade and the Asian live reef food fish market.

CONCLUSIVE FINDINGS

In a press statement, NSC said that the bottles containing cyanide were seized by the Navy from Chinese sampans in February 2025 and on October 24, 2025.

Assistant Director General and new NSC spokesman Major Gen. Cornelio Valencia Jr. said the laboratory analysis conducted by the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI)’s Forensic and Scientific Research Service is in itself conclusive.

The yellow bottles seized from the sampans contain cyanide, a highly toxic chemical known to cause severe and irreversible damage to humans and marine ecosystems. 

These laboratory findings remove any doubt as to the dangerous and unlawful nature of these activities, he said. It also shows China’s deliberate ill intentions and forceful attempt to grab the entire territory which forms part of the Philippines.

DELIBERATE INTENT

The deliberate use of cyanide raises serious concerns of illegal and destructive practices that threaten our Navy personnel in LS 57, the fragile marine environment of the West Philippine Sea, and the livelihood of Filipino fisherfolk.

“Such actions, if proven intentional, constitute a blatant violation of Philippine environmental laws, international maritime norms, and the obligations of states under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),” he said.

“We wish to underscore that the use of cyanide in Ayungin Shoal is a form of sabotage that seeks to kill local fish populations, depriving Navy personnel of a vital food source.”

IRREPARABLE DAMAGE

Cyanide can damage the reef which can ultimately compromise LS 57’s structural foundations. If the reef is severely damaged, it not only threatens LS 57’s stability, it also allows Beijing to fabricate an environmental crisis which it can then blame on the Philippines. 

It has in the past accused LS 57 of polluting the shoal in an effort to distract from its own illegal activities.

Ayungin Shoal is within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, where the country exercises sovereign rights and jurisdiction. The operation of Chinese vessels engaging in activities involving hazardous substances in this area is both irresponsible and unacceptable.

HEIGHTENED SECURITY

The NSC has directed the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Philippine Coast Guard, and all relevant agencies to heighten maritime domain awareness, strengthen patrols, and take all necessary measures to prevent further environmental harm and safeguard national security interests in the area.

Let it be clear: the Philippines will not tolerate any act—whether by state or non-state actors—that endangers its personnel or the marine environment, violates its sovereign rights, or undermines peace and stability in the West Philippine Sea. 

The government remains resolute in defending the nation’s territory, protecting its natural resources, and upholding the rule of law.

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