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VP Sara Duterte’s Zero-Service

Boni Macaranas
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VP Sara Duterte’s Zero-Service

“Malinis ang aking service record”— so VP Sara Duterte claims on TV. But all she has to show, according to the Anti-Money Laundering Council report, is that there are “over 630 covered transaction receipts (CTRs) and 33 suspicious transaction reports (STRs) linked to Vice President Sara Duterte and her husband, amounting to over P6 billion.” 

This was the finding of the TV live-streamed investigation by the House of Representatives’ Committee on Justice.

As the DepEd secretary for a while, before she resigned from President Bongbong Marcos’ Cabinet, she ordered (“stupidly,” according to the teachers and parents of students) as her first directive to school heads and teachers, the clean-up of walls of classrooms by the removal of helpful learning visuals, depriving the students of daily reminders of the alphabet, numbers, the Philippine map, and national heroes (like Lapu-Lapu, Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio, Antonio Luna, Gregorio Del Pilar, and others) – effective basic daily learning materials for the students, on language/reading/mathematics proficiency. 

Also, more importantly, the visuals on the national heroes serve to show their inspiring lives of how they brought about with great sacrifice the freedoms we enjoy today as an independent sovereign nation, charting our own progress. 

‘[I]ndeed, if VP Sara Duterte did carry out her own style of EJKs when she was Davao City mayor, then, most likely the ICC might likewise include her as a co-perpetrator of his father’s alleged crimes against humanity.’

IGNORANCE, INCOMPETENCE

She neglected the building of countless classrooms nationwide, and even filling up vacancies for the principals of many schools. Worse, due to her ignorance and incompetence, she could not raise the country’s standard of educational system even a tiny notch higher to approximate international standards of education. 

Serving as the second highest paid (provided by the people’s money) government official of the country, she has done nothing to raise the standard of living of the more than 60,000,000 poor, marginalized,vulnerable, oppressed and exploited Filipinos.

Sara Duterte has been traveling frequently going home to Davao and to the Hague, Netherlands, visiting her International Criminal Court (ICC) jailbird-father, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, who is awaiting trial for the charge of “crimes against humanity.” That is, as president, for launching his “War on Drugs, Operation Tokhang, Operation Double Barrel,” which resulted in the bloody Extra Judicial Killings (EJKs) of more than 30,000 Filipinos. 

It has to be mentioned that VP Sara Duterte, while serving as the Davao City Mayor, also carried out the same EJKs of her fellow Filipinos, according to the confessed Davao Death Squad (DDS) killer, Arturo Lascanas.

THE E.J.K. TEAM

As announced by the ICC, incidentally, her father’s co-perpetrators in his crimes against humanity include a number of past PNP chiefs, and senators Bong Go and Bato de la Rosa. Currently in hiding from the law authorities since November 2025 is Sen. Bato de la Rosa, who is on AWOL from his job as senator, yet shamelessly still receiving his monthly salary worth millions.

And, indeed, if VP Sara Duterte did carry out her own style of EJKs when she was Davao City mayor, then, most likely the ICC might likewise include her as a co-perpetrator of his father’s alleged crimes against humanity.                                    

As of April 26, 2026, the Congress’ Committee on Justice has been investigating, as a preliminary step for decision under the plenary session, the impeachment complaint of several concerned citizens against VP Sara Duterte, specifying charges of corruption, betrayal of public trust, unexplained spending of more than P612 millions of her budgeted confidential funds under her Office of the VP and her Office of the Department of Education, culpable violation of the Constitution, planned assassination of President Bongbong Marcos, his First Lady Liza and HOR Speaker Martin Romualdez, and other crimes.

“Litisin na si VP Sara Duterte!” – the people’s demandsince last year, will the Senate comply now?!  

Leni Prefers Retiring As Naga City Mayor

Rose de la Cruz
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Leni Prefers Retiring As Naga City Mayor

CLAMOR for Naga City Mayor Leni Robredo for a second presidential bid in 2028 has started to gain traction, a recent survey by the OCTA Research Group showed.

Data released by the OCTA Research Group showed Vice President Sara Duterte leading presidential preference with 33 percent despite a five-point drop, while Robredo significantly narrowed the gap by surging to 21 percent.

However, Robredo, who served as Vice-President during the previous administration, rejected the idea — with finality — of running for the 2028 presidential elections.

RETIRING IN NAGA

“Matagal na akong nagdesisyon… kayo lang naman ang may ayaw sa desisyon ko. Dito na ako sa Naga magre-retire,” the former vice-president said in an ABS-CBN interview.

“I am sure with myself that I will not go for national. In my opinion, considerably we will achieve what has already been set, but beyond that, there is much that needs to be done,” Robredo added.

Robredo earlier expressed frustration in seeing the limits of her mayoral term, for which she cited the need to seek reelection if only to sustain the programs she initiated.

“The three years, that is just brief for me. It is very frustrating that I cannot rush what I want to do because I need to navigate the bureaucracy,” she added.

CHANGE OF MIND

With Robredo putting an end to hopes of a political comeback on the national level, political analysts said Robredo’s decision could weaken the opposition’s efforts to challenge Duterte who is facing multiple corruption and plunder charges.

Her 2022 vice presidential running mate — Senator Francis Pangilinan caved in to Robredo’s decision.

“We respect her decision even as we disagree with it and believe that the national interest will be best served if at some future time she changes her mind and heeds the growing clamor of the people for her to lead the nation’s fight for genuine service and good governance.” 

“I believe that Leni is in the best position to build the broadest and strongest unity not just amongst the ranks of the Liberal Party and our allies but to include all other groups and personalities outside our allied forces,” Pangilinan averred.

CLOSING THE GAP

Pangilinan stressed that with Robredo’s poll numbers on the rise, more “political colors,” civil society and private sector groups would likely rally behind her. 

“A snowballing of support behind her bid is quite possible,” Pangilinan added.

He also highlighted that Robredo’s poll numbers are much higher going into 2028, compared to that of 2022, adding that should she change her mind, “a formidable coalition, far broader, more inclusive than the one we forged in 2022, can be cobbled together and lead us to victory in 2028.”

OCTA survey results showed Robredo significantly narrowing the gap with Duterte by notching 21 percent preference. The incumbent vice-president garnered 33 percent.

STRONG MASS BASE

Robredo retains strong grassroots support despite stepping back from national politics after her failed 2022 presidential bid, in which she lost by a landslide to President Marcos and Vice President Duterte, who ran on a joint ticket.

A leading opposition figure during the elder Duterte’s presidency from 2016 to 2022, Robredo emerged as a key voice for dissent in that period, which was marked by allegations of widespread human rights violations.

“I am aware that some still want me to run… [But] now, it is far from my horizon to return to national politics,” Robredo said.

She vowed instead to achieve the goals she had set when she ran for Naga mayor last year.

POWER VACUUM

Inquirer quoted political analysts that Robredo’s decision not to seek higher office could create a power vacuum among opposition figures and weaken their ability to mount a challenge against Vice President Duterte and her party.

Duterte had earlier announced her plan to run for president in 2028.

Still, Robredo’s supporters must respect her choice not to seek a national post in the 2028 elections, said Maria Ela Atienza, a political science professor at the University of the Philippines, though she remains the opposition’s strongest hope.

“She is the most credible and popular among the anti-Duterte, anti-Marcos, anti-trapo voters compared to other opposition figures,” Atienza said.

COMMENCING SEARCH

It will be a challenge for the opposition to find another choice with the same kind of grassroots support, Atienza noted.

“They need to get their act together,” she said. “It is an uphill battle, but they need to learn the lessons from 2022. Start early, unite, and offer the electorate tangible and practical policy and program alternatives given the problems the country is facing.”

Anthony Lawrence Borja, an associate professor of political science at De La Salle University, warned that failing to act early on the part of the opposition “might project an image of disunity to the general public.”

“Given that we are in a leader-centric society, her blessing is necessary for this process of consolidation,” he said, adding that “her fanatics will follow whoever she endorses.”

CRITICAL JUNCTURE

For Arjan Aguirre, an assistant professor of political science at Ateneo de Manila University, Robredo’s decision should not be seen as a “step back” for the opposition.

He described Robredo’s decision as a “critical juncture” for sustaining gains made in 2025, when public outrage over the trillion‑peso flood control scandal could shape political alliances toward reforms.

“This moment tests whether the movement can evolve from one centered on a single figure into one grounded in broader coalitions, shared principles, and organizational depth,” he said.

“The challenge is whether these actors can bridge networks, coordinate reform-oriented groups, and sustain grassroots momentum from previous cycles while offering a clear direction beyond their core base,” he added.

The people are the messiah

SAVIOR MENTALITY

A few days ago, the former Vice President urged the public to end the “savior” mentality that often clouds elections.

Robredo emphasized that the search for a single “savior” hinders institutional growth.

“Mayo man nin monopoly sa kakayahan,” she noted, arguing that the country must stop relying on individual personalities and instead look toward a new generation of leaders.

In a recent interview with Asintado News, she identified Pasig Mayor Vico Sotto and Quezon City Mayor Joy Belmonte as capable leaders, shifting focus away from herself.

“Sa grupo namin, si Risa, ilang beses na nagsabi na okay siya. Sa tingin ko, si Vico would make a good president; ang isyu lang talaga ay edad. Ang isa pang nakikita ko na mayor na would make a good president si Joy Belmonte.”

POLITICAL JOURNEY

Reflecting on her own political journey, Robredo shared her preference for hands-on, local governance over the complexities of national politics.

“Marami akong hindi alam, pero masipag ako. Pwede sa local, pero sa national, marami talaga akong hindi kayang gawin. Mahina talaga akong makipag-navigate sa politika. Kaya sa tingin ko, mas bagay ako sa local.”

Robredo also said she doesn’t feel any political pressure now as a local chief executive.

“Wala na akong pressure. Iba kasi ngayon, iba noong 2022. Iba ang pressure dahil VP ako. So ngayon, makikita naman sa mga ginagawa, bihira akong pumunta sa Manila. Lahat ng invitation sa akin, hindi ko na tinatanggap kung walang koneksyon sa Naga.”

Fears Allayed Over P8B Boracay Bridge

Jai Duena
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Fears Allayed Over P8B Boracay Bridge

IF PREVIOUS government projects are any indicator, promises that concerns would be addressed could actually mean delay rather than real solutions.

In the province of Aklan, the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) is setting its sight in the construction of a 2.54-kilometer limited access bridge that would connect the world famous Boracay Island to Caticlan.

The project, which would involve San Miguel Holdings Corporation through a public-private partnership (PPP), costs P8 billion and a 30-year concession covering design, construction, operation, and maintenance.

Proponents of the project say the bridge will improve year-round access, make it easier to move goods, waste, and utilities, and reduce dependence on boats.

LOCAL RESISTANCE

Local folks however don’t seem receptive to the idea amid fears of environmental damage, loss of livelihoods for boat operators and port workers, forced relocation and overdevelopment of the island. Even the local government has already expressed its objection to the project.

The local folks likewise cited the failure of the government to consult the residents — including the indigenous groups.

Currently, locals and tourists reach Boracay by flying to Caticlan or Kalibo, traveling by tricycle or van to the Caticlan Jetty Port, paying environmental and terminal fees of roughly a few hundred pesos, and riding a small outrigger boat for about 10 to 15 minutes across the strait to Boracay.

CRUCIAL PROJECT

However, DPWH Secretary Vince Dizon maintains that the project is an important infrastructure initiative and that consultations are being done and concerns will be addressed.

“We are assuring the residents there and the stakeholders that whatever grievances they have and whatever their concerns, all of those concerns need to be addressed and all those concerns need to be satisfied,” he said.

But the question is: Do we need more bridges?

CONNECTIVITY ISSUES

An elderly native earlier told The PH Insider that back then, they would simply cross the clean knee-deep river to get to the other barangay. It would only take a minute.

Today, both tourists and locals have to ride about 10 minutes just to get to some place where you can wave and talk to the person on the other side of the river.

Historian Ambeth Ocampo previously wrote an article in his column —“It is the map that made me rethink what I was taught in grade school – that an archipelago was a group of islands separated by water… before Spanish contact, the Philippine archipelago was actually connected by water.” 

Proof of this is our balangays, which showed Filipino maritime expertise and our sense of community. The word barangay is derived from it.

REDISCOVERING PH

In a book entitled “The Philippines Is Not a Small Country,” its author, anthropologist Gideon Lasco talked about rediscovering our maritime consciousness.

He said that even as the country struggles with land transportation issues, waterways are neglected and treated as dumps when that should not be the case.

Many of us can’t swim, much less sail, to save our lives.

“While our archipelagic nature may have held us back as a nation, it can also be our strength – if only we can rediscover and reclaim our maritime consciousness,” he said.

NOT JUST WHITE SANDS

This makes Boracay more than just white sands and crystal-clear waters. It is a glimpse of the early Filipinos.Back then, boats were the main means of transportation and Filipinos were maritime experts.

It offers us a chance to live like our ancestors, even for a while, by traveling through the waters while living with nature. It is one of the few cultural survivors left of our maritime consciousness.

Then again, global warming and climate change, among many other factors, have made maritime travel more difficult and less reliable, especially during emergencies, especially in a country frequently hit by typhoons.

DEMOGRAPHICS

Boracay Island only has one public hospital, the Ciriaco S. Tirol Hospital, and more advanced and specialist care are typically referred outside the island.

There are also reports of overpricing by travel and tour agencies, especially involving tourists.

Floating docks can also be a real inconvenience, especially for senior citizens and persons with disability (PWD).

NOT BEST IDEA

That is why a bridge is a good idea. It will absolutely make access to the island faster and more convenient for the modern Filipino.But it might not be the best idea. 

The old system is not perfect, but it is working.

Maybe Boracay is meant to be experienced starting with a boat ride, and maybe it is better off without a bridge.

Its potential harm on the bangkeros’ livelihood against businessmen’s profits is also not fair.

Instead of an ₱8 billion bridge, local folks urged the government to spend funds for the construction of a better hospital, lower fees, better boats and port infrastructure, and sustainability efforts for the island.

Improve what is already working, so to speak, rather than risk losing it. Unless the government can actually balance progress and preservation, hands off! Boracay is better off without the bridge.

More Than A Farm: The Heart, Hurt, And Hope Behind Kalibo Ostrich Farm

Cheryl Luis True
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More Than A Farm: The Heart, Hurt, And Hope Behind Kalibo Ostrich Farm

THERE ARE PLACES you visit for photos—and then there are places that quietly rearrange how you see the world. Tucked in Kalibo is one such place: the Kalibo Ostrich Farm, where feathers, scales, and stories live side by side—and where care is not a concept, but a daily commitment.

At the heart of it all is Ramon Dio, a man who speaks of his animals not as attractions, but as family. “Hindi lang sila display. Para ko silang mga anak—kailangan alagaan, intindihin, at mahalin.”

It’s a line that sounds simple—until you hear the weight behind it.

The Misunderstood Caretaker

There was a time, he shared, when a post circulated online accusing him of neglect—particularly of his ostriches. It stung. “Masakit. Kasi hindi nila alam ang buong kwento.”

What many didn’t understand is that ostriches, like people, go through phases. There are seasons when they shed feathers, appearing almost bare, even fragile. There are days they grow lean, not from neglect, but from natural cycles, stress, or environmental changes.

It’s a quiet reminder that not everything we see at a glance tells the truth. “Care is not always pretty,” Mr. Dio says. “Minsan mukhang hindi maayos—but that’s part of life.”

And perhaps that’s where the lesson begins: compassion requires context.

A Farm That Grew Beyond Its Name

Despite its name, the farm has outgrown its first identity. Today, it’s a living ark of experiences. Lions and tigers roam in enclosures that command both awe and respect. A chimpanzee watches visitors with almost human curiosity. Massive snakes coil in stillness, while crocodiles—lots of them—wait with prehistoric patience.

Monkeys chatter like they own the place. Maybe they do.And then there are the horses—steady, grounding—offering visitors a chance to ride through the farm, not just observe it.

It’s not just a farm anymore. It’s a bridge between people and creatures they’ve only seen in books, screens, or imagination.

Mr. Dio recalls one visitor—an elderly man—who stood frozen in front of a lion. Then, unexpectedly, he cried.“Sabi niya, ngayon lang daw siya nakakita ng totoongleon. Dati sa libro lang.”

There’s something profoundly human in that moment—the collision of childhood wonder and late-life reality. A dream, delayed but not denied.

Experiences That Stay With You

For ₱200, visitors can try something few ever will: crocodile fishing. It’s not your typical weekend activity—and that’s precisely the point. It shakes you out of routine, places you in a space where nature feels both thrilling and humbling.

Inside the farm, there’s also a restaurant—a place to sit, breathe, and process what you’ve just seen. Because a visit here isn’t just about ticking boxes; it’s about absorbing something deeper.

Lessons from an Unlikely Classroom

The Kalibo Ostrich Farm doesn’t pretend to be perfect. And that might be its most honest strength.

It teaches patience—the kind you need when animals don’t perform on cue.
It teaches empathy—the kind you learn when you understand that appearance isn’t always reality. It teaches resilience—the kind you see in a man who continues caring, despite criticism.

“Hindi mo kailangan maintindihan agad ang lahat,” Mr. Dioreflects. “Pero sana, bago humusga, subukan muna natingmakita ang buong larawan.”

More Than a Destination

In a world that often rushes to judge and scroll past, this farm invites you to slow down. To look closer. To ask questions. To feel something real.

Because sometimes, inspiration doesn’t come from grand speeches or perfect places.

Sometimes, it comes from a man in a quiet corner of Aklan—feeding his animals, defending them when misunderstood, and choosing, every single day, to care anyway.

And maybe that’s the kind of story worth holding on to.

The Scammer Has Upgraded. The Question Is—Have We?

Cheryl Luis True
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The Scammer Has Upgraded. The Question Is—Have We?

THE LATEST THREAT stalking Filipino wallets isn’t loud, dramatic, or even obvious. It’s quiet. Square. Innocent-looking. A QR code. And behind it, a fast-growing scam now known as quishing—a digital trap that turns a simple scan into a financial ambush.

To its credit, GCash (www.gcash.com) isn’t playing catch-up. It’s going on offense.

More than 4,900 fraudulent merchants have already been blocked—accounts tied to fake payment pages, dummy businesses, and impersonation schemes designed to siphon off money from unsuspecting users. That’s not just a statistic; it’s a signal. The platform is drawing a hard line: zero tolerance, no gray area.

And frankly, it’s about time.

The scam that looks like convenience

Here’s what makes quishing dangerous—it hides behind habit. We’ve been trained to trust QR codes. Scan to pay. Scan to order. Scan to move on.

But scammers are now weaponizing that trust.

They plant fake QR codes in places we don’t question—posters, receipts, emails, even chat messages. One scan can redirect you to a counterfeit payment page that looks almost identical to the real thing. Same logos. Same layout. Same “Send Money” button.

Except the money doesn’t go where you think.

In worse cases, it doesn’t just steal your payment—it steals your data.

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas has already flagged this as an emerging threat, and the warning couldn’t be clearer: familiarity is now part of the scam.

Red flags people ignore (until it’s too late)

Let’s be blunt. Most scams don’t succeed because they’re brilliant. They succeed because people are in a hurry.

So slow down and watch for the tells:

• URLs that almost look right but aren’t 

• Merchant names that feel random, generic, or suspiciously coded 

• Payment pages that look “off” if you actually take a second look 

If something feels even slightly wrong, stop. No transaction is so urgent that it’s worth gambling your money on a guess.

Enforcement is working—but it’s not enough

Blocking thousands of fraudulent merchants is a strong move. Partnering with agencies like the Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Center strengthens that effort. Campaigns like GSafe Tayo are pushing awareness forward.

But here’s the uncomfortable truth: platforms can only do so much.

Security is now a shared responsibility.

You can have the most aggressive fraud detection in the country, but if a user willingly scans a fake QR code and authorizes a payment, the system sees a “valid” transaction. That’s the loophole scammers exploit—not technology, but human behavior.

Every peso deserves protection

Right now, Filipinos are more intentional with spending. Every commute costs more. Every grocery trip stings a little harder. Which makes this kind of scam not just criminal—but predatory.

It targets discipline. It punishes trust.

That’s why vigilance isn’t optional anymore—it’s survival.

Verify the URL. Check the merchant. When in doubt, don’t proceed. And if something slips through, report it immediately—to GCash, to the Philippine National Police Anti-Cybercrime Group, or to the CICC.

Because in this new digital economy, protecting your money doesn’t stop at earning it.

It starts with knowing when not to scan.

Robredo Factor Crucial To Beat Sara Duterte?

Lily Reyes
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Robredo Factor Crucial To Beat Sara Duterte?

FORMER Vice President Leni Robredo has spoken with finality. She is no longer joining any political exercise on the national level. Not in 2028, not even beyond. 

However, former Senator Antonio Trillanes IV who first toyed on the idea of a “strong Robredo comeback,” maintained that the former Vice President who is currently serving as Naga City Mayor, still wields the power to sway votes to whoever would dare run against Sara Duterte — on the assumption that the impeachment bid fails.

According to Trillanes, Robredo could still serve the national interest by endorsing either Senator Bam Aquino or Senator Risa Hontiveros for the 2028 presidential polls.

Trillanes issued the statement after Robredo made a categorical stand against running for president in 2028. She however confirmed she’s running for reelection as Naga City mayor.

“Mas maganda nito, ang gawin ni Mayor Leni, kung ayaw na niya tumakbo, i-endorse na niya either si Senator Bam o si Senator Risa para talagang malipat sa kanila iyong suporta,” Trillanes told reporters after attending the House impeachment proceedings. 

It was also then that Trillanes disclosed that the Magdalo Group, to which he belongs, has so far decided to back Hontiveros for President.

“We have evaluated the prospective candidates, and we want to push for Senator Risa for President. She has the qualifications. Tumitindig, lumalaban, ipaglalaban ka,” Trillanes said. 

“Both of them are good public servants. Pero ang kaibahan nila, si Mayor Leni, ipaglalaban mo. Si Senator Risa, ipaglalaban ka,” Trillanes quipped.

Romualdez Contesting Hold Order, Maintains Innocence

Romer Butuyan
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Romualdez Contesting Hold Order, Maintains Innocence

FORMER House Speaker Martin Romualdez is likely to keep his fighting stance, even as he hinted at the idea of contesting the issuance of a precautionary hold departure order, which prevented him from going to Singapore for what he claimed as a “long overdue” medical check-up.

According to Atty. Ade Fajardo, in her capacity as spokesperson, said the Leyte congressman will “avail of all appropriate legal remedies to question the issuance of this order before the proper forum.”

He also insisted that Romualdez is still in the country — “We categorically clarify… Rep. Romualdez is in the Philippines and has not left the country. Any report or insinuation that he has fled is false and irresponsible.” 

Fajardo assured that Romualdez, who is facing investigation over plunder, money laundering, graft links, “remains committed” to facing the allegations against him. 

“Rep. Romualdez followed the proper process. He sought and secured the necessary travel authority, and coordinated in good faith with the Department of Justice and the Bureau of Immigration for a brief, long-overdue four-day medical check-up with his attending physician in Singapore,” Fajardo said.

“This is fully consistent with his conduct from the very beginning—one of cooperation, transparency, and respect for legal processes. Unfortunately, this legitimate act has been twisted to create a prejudicial narrative that he intended to flee,” he added. 

Romualdez’s lawyer reiterated that the former Speaker expected due process to be observed after a complaint was filed against him.

Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla earlier expressed apprehension that Romualdez may no longer return had the former House leader been allowed to leave the country.

Journalist Slain In Negros Encounter

Angel F. Jose
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Journalist Slain In Negros Encounter

THE Philippines is taking the global spotlight anew following the death of a local journalist who was killed in what the military claimed as an encounter with communist insurgents in Taboso town, Negros Occidental.

In a statement, Altermidya Network identified the slain media person as RJ Nichole Ledesma, a writer and editor of Paghimutad-Negros and regional coordinator of Altermidya in Negros Island.

“RJ was a community journalist, editor, and poet. He served as editor-in-chief of Spectrum, the student publication of the University of St. La Salle–Bacolod, where he took a degree in Psychology,” reads part of the statement.

“Since 2020, he led Paghimutad Negros, an alternative media outfit focused on human rights reporting and grassroots storytelling. He later joined Altermidya as regional coordinator for Negros Island.” 

According to Altermidya, Ledesma was in the area conducting community work and immersion reporting on the effects of renewable energy projects on farmer communities when the military struck the area.

HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT

However, an information from Human Rights Advocates Negros (HRAN), Altermidya said Ledesma was not at the initial clash site in Sitio Sinugmawan. 

“HRAN said RJ was not at the initial clash site in Sitio Sinugmawan. According to the group, he was instead attacked in a separate peasant community in Sitio Plariding during an ensuing military pursuit operation,” Altermidya said.

Altermidya also claimed that Paghimutad-Negros had long been subjected by the government to red-tagging and vilification, including a 2022 social media post by a military unit linking one of its reports to communist groups.

Interestingly, the Altermidya also forms part of the list of media organizations closely monitored by the National Task Force To End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC).

CIVILIAN CASUALTIES

Previous reports noted the death of civilians during the military operations, for which the Philippine Army issued its own statement, insisting that the supposed civilians were combatants.

“Ano ang ginagawa ng mga sinasabi nilang journalist, social workers, faculty members, spokesperson ng mga progresibong grupo sa loob ng encounter site na may mga bitbit na baril at nakipagbarilan sa ating mga sundalo?” Army spokesperson Colonel Louie Dema-ala was quoted in a GMA News Online report.

“Yan ang tanong ko sa kanila,” he added.

Dema-ala maintained that soldiers from the 79th Infantry Battalion (79IB) acted professionally and in accordance with International Humanitarian Law.

“Troops showed steadfast commitment to their mission and dedication to duty. Their adherence to International Humanitarian Law and utmost respect for human rights stand as a testament to the professionalism and honor that define the Philippine Army soldier.”

STUDENT ACTIVIST TOO

Forming part of the 19 fatalities, whom the Philippine Army referred to as members of the New People’s Army (NPA), is student leader Alyssa Alano.

The UP Diliman University Student Council (USC) said that the slain student leader was its Education and Research councilor. 

Since Ferdinand Marcos Jr. took the helm of Malacanang, human rights organizations have documented multiple killings and disappearances of activists, youth leaders, and environmental defenders under his administration.

According to data from the human rights alliance Karapatan and other reporting, many of these cases occurred in the context of counter-insurgency operations.

OCCUPATIONAL RISKS

Since 1986, over 200 Filipino media persons have been slain, making the Philippines among the world’s most dangerous countries for journalists.

Journalists face severe risks, including killings, red-tagging, digital harassment, and legal threats like libel, with perpetrators rarely brought to justice. 

As of 2025, the Philippines is ranked 116th out of 180 countries in the RSF World Press Freedom Index, reflecting a consistently dangerous landscape.

The country also consistently ranks high on the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Global Impunity Index, which tracks unsolved murders of media workers, ranking 8th in 2023. Journalists face physical violence, particularly in provinces outside Manila, alongside digital threats, such as hacking and online harassment.

Journalists and media outlets critical of the government are often subjected to “red-tagging,” which serves as a precursor to physical attacks and threats.

The 2009 Maguindanao massacre, where 34 journalists were killed, remains a defining case of impunity, while attacks have continued under subsequent administrations. 

Bishop Mulls Class Suit Over Navotas Landfill Fire

Jai Duena
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Bishop Mulls Class Suit Over Navotas Landfill Fire

CALOOCAN Bishop Cardinal Pablo David cited the urgent need for the so-called accountability amid the government’s failure to put the fire off at the Navotas City Sanitary Landfill.

The fire which broke out on April 10, has been emitting haze that was found “extremely poisonous.”

“When a landfill poisons the air, endangers water sources, displaces aquaculture, and becomes a recurring fire and disaster risk, the public is not just entitled to answers — it is entitled to justice,” Bishop David said in a statement.

He noted that under Republic Act No. 9003 or the Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2000, any citizen may file a civil, criminal, or administrative action against violators, negligent officials, or agencies acting inconsistently with the law.

“The Navotas landfill fire demands more than concern. It demands accountability… Who will join our collective lawsuit?” added David.

The Department of Environment and Natural Resources – Environmental Management Bureau said that it is studying criminal, civil, and administrative cases against the former operator of the landfill.

The massive fire caused widespread air pollution in Metro Manila and Bulacan.

Are Oral Agreements Valid?

Eduard M. Riparip, Esq
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Are Oral Agreements Valid?

I OFTEN BEGIN my discussion on law on contracts in my undergraduate classes with a basic question: “If there is no written agreement, is there a contract?” Almost always, my students confidently answer, “No.” And almost always, they are quite stunned when I tell them they are mistaken.

That reaction is understandable. We have been conditioned to believe that a contract must be written, signed, and notarized to be valid. Perhaps it is because of what we see in movies, or what we are told in everyday transactions. But the law, as it often does, tells a more nuanced—and more practical—explanation.

Under Article 1305 of the Civil Code of the Philippines, a contract is a meeting of the minds between two persons, where one binds himself to give something or to render some service. Plain as day, if two individuals agree on something and intend to be bound by that agreement, a contract is already born.

As a matter of fact, the law is clear: contracts are perfected by mere consent. The moment both parties agree—whether verbally or orally, through a text message, or even through a chat message—they are already bound by that agreement. This means that not all contracts need to be written to be valid. For example, when Angela borrows P1,000 from Joana through Facebook Messenger, and both agree, then a contract of loan exists. It is binding.

So what makes a contract valid?

‘There are cases when the law requires a contract to be in writing … Putting agreements in writing is always wise because a written contract serves as proof. It protects both parties. It prevents misunderstanding or miscommunication. And when disputes arise, it provides something concrete to rely on.’

CONSENT, OBJECT, CAUSE

The law provides three essential elements (Article 1318, Civil Code). Just remember the mnemonics: COC. Not the online game Clash of Clans.

First, consent. This simply means that both parties agree to the same thing, and such consent must be freely given—no force, no fraud, no undue influence, no violence, no deception, no misunderstanding. There must be a clear “yes” from both sides.

Second, object. This refers to what the contract is about. This is what you are agreeing to. It could be a thing (like a car, a phone, a dress) or a service (like repairing a house or designing a logo). The most important thing is that it must be clear, definite, and legal.

Third, cause. This is the legal reason why the parties entered into the contract. In most cases, this is the exchange—what each party gives or receives. For example, you pay money, and in return, you receive a product or service.

Now, observe that form—whether written or oral—is not included among these essential elements.

The general rule is simple: a contract is valid regardless of its form, as long as these three elements are present. This means that oral agreements are not automatically invalid or void. If there is consent, a lawful object, and a lawful cause, the contract exists and is binding.

However, this does not mean that writing is irrelevant or insignificant.

PROTECTING BOTH PARTIES

There are cases when the law requires a contract to be in writing. For instance, certain sales of real property, agreements that fall under the Statute of Frauds, or donations involving real property should be in writing. In these circumstances, the required form is indispensable for their validity or enforceability.

Putting agreements in writing is always wise because a written contract serves as proof. It protects both parties. It prevents misunderstanding or miscommunication. And when disputes arise, it provides something concrete to rely on.

In everyday life, many of our agreements are actually unwritten. You ask someone to fix your laptop and agree on a price. You borrow a car from a friend. You hire a freelancer through a chat message. You promise to pay a friend who lent you money. These are not just casual arrangements—they are legally binding contracts.

And the next time you hear someone say, “Wala ‘yan, hindi naman nakasulat,” remember—contracts are not made on paper, but in the meeting of minds. The absence of a written document does not automatically mean the absence of a contract.

Because in the eyes of the law, what truly matters is not the paper—but the agreement of minds behind it.

Class dismissed!

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#ContractOfLoan

#MeetingOfMinds

Romualdez Drags Marcos Into The Floodgate Scandal

Rose de la Cruz
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Romualdez Drags Marcos Into The Floodgate Scandal

WHAT USED TO be a sober Martin Romualdez has turned confrontational after the Office of the Ombudsman prevented him from leaving the country to undergo what he described as a “long overdue” follow-up check-up in Singapore.

In a video message Romualdez took a swipe at the executive department headed by no less than his cousin — President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

He also dragged former Senate President Francis Escudero and his former subordinate, resigned Ako Bicol partylist Rep. Zaldy Co as the main characters behind the so-called flood control scandal.

“I won’t go alone,” said Romualdez in a statement.

SACRIFICIAL LAMB

Since the floodgate scandal dominated headlines, Romualdez’s name has constantly been linked — an act which the former House leader described as part of a demolition job that would make him a “fall guy.”

By his own admission, Romualdez said that the 2025 budget is marred with with billions of insertions (or unprogrammed allocations) designed to give leverage to favored provinces and project contractors – a practice which he claimed resulted in multiple ghost projects and repetitive funding for uncompleted past projects with contractors allocating SOPs (kickbacks) to select legislators.

The flood control anomalies were exposed by the President during his fourth State of the Nation Address in July 2025, which came about because of the budget insertions made by the opaque small committee (called  bicameral conference committee) composed of Co, Romualdez and former Senate President Chiz Escudero.

Romualdez however denied being part of the so-called small committees, even as he named both Co and Escudero as the key decision-makers in past scandal-ridden budgets, which was signed by Marcos himself.

POINTING FINGERS

The former House Speaker issued a rare rebuke of the executive on Tuesday, April 21, pointing fingers at the branch of government led by his cousin, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., for the budget scandal that has rocked the Philippines since 2025, reads part of a Rappler report.

Romualdez categorically denied masterminding the supposed kickback scheme and argued that the national budget process is completed not by the House speaker alone but by the entire House, the Senate, and the executive branch.

“If corruption were to occur, in a magnitude made known to us over the past months, then it’s clear that real corruption does not happen at the level of general legislative approval alone. It happens at the level of execution of the General Appropriations Act. It happens when projects are implemented,” Romualdez said.

“That is why command responsibility is far more logically relevant in the executive branch, where there is actual supervision, operational control, and implementation on the ground, than in a collegial legislative body whose constitutional role is deliberation and appropriation,” Rappler quoted him.

NO INVOLVEMENT

Romualdez asserted he had no hand in the deliberations of the small committee, a small group of lawmakers that handled budget amendments in the House in recent history until it was abolished in 2025.

He identified Escudero and his former close ally, fugitive Zaldy Co, as “the two people [who] were instrumental in making those budget decisions.”

“I will not allow myself to be turned into the scapegoat so that others who are actually accountable can walk away clean. If this is a political play to push me out and close the story, tarnishing my name and my reputation, then I am telling everyone now: I will not go quietly, and I will not go alone. I will not be the fall guy for other people’s corruption,” Romualdez averred.

The congressmen from Leyte publicly committed to releasing the affidavit he submitted to the Independent Commission for Infrastructure and the list of all the projects in his district.

TRIGGERING FACTOR

Romualdez’s statement comes a day after the Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla asked the Sandiganbayan to issue a precautionary hold departure order against the Leyte 1st District lawmaker. If granted, a PHDO could bar a person from leaving the country.

The special panel at the Ombudsman filed a formal complaint-affidavit against Romualdez for criminal offenses of plunder, direct bribery, violations of the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act (Republic Act No. 3019), indirect bribery, and money laundering.

It alleged that Romualdez was the “purported mastermind” behind the kickback scheme tied to ghost flood control projects. The kickbacks supposedly reached P56 billion.

Romualdez has asked to travel to Singapore for a “long overdue follow-up” on his angioplasty surgery, and has been given a travel clearance by the House.

The trip comes days after Marcos announced the arrest in Prague of Co, who once accused Romualdez of giving orders to make budget insertions tied to anomalous flood control projects.

PORK BARREL KING

An investigative report by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism also named Romualdez as a “pork barrel king” after his district received the highest share of “allocables” or public works funding in past national budgets.

Remulla previously announced that his office is preparing to file plunder charges against Romualdez and Escudero over their alleged roles in the flood control corruption scandal, Rappler added.

The former Speaker is scheduled to fly to Singapore for medical procedure, but Ombudsman Remulla asked the Sandiganbayan to issue a PHDO, which the anti graft court has yet to act on.

The only legal basis to bar Romualdez from traveling abroad would be a PHDO or a hold departure order, but no court has issued either.

HOUSE CLEARANCE

House Secretary General Cheloy Garafil granted Romualdez’s request for a travel clearance on Monday, April 20, upon his commitment that he will return home after his “long overdue follow-up” on his angioplasty surgery.

Romualdez’ travel request is from April 20 to May 4, although his staff said on Tuesday, April 21, that the Leyte 1st District lawmaker is still in the Philippines. His office released documentary proof of travel clearance after Ombudsman Boying Remulla said on Tuesday that the Ombudsman barred Romualdez from leaving the country.

Romualdez’s legal counsel, however, insisted that his client cannot be prevented from leaving the country, because the congressman is only facing an immigration lookout bulletin order.

“We urge caution against drawing conclusions from incomplete or unofficial information. Representative Romualdez has consistently respected legal processes and will continue to do so,” Romualdez’s lawyer Ade Fajardo said in a statement.

IMMINENT PLUNDER

Remulla earlier announced that his office is preparing to file plunder charges against Romualdez and the former Senate President Escudero over their alleged roles in the flood control corruption scandal.

“The problem there is, it seems too coincidental that Zaldy Co was caught in Europe and then suddenly (Romualdez) plans to leave. Later on, we might have nothing left to hold on to in this country. Everyone we want to hold accountable might just end up beyond our jurisdiction,” Remulla said on Tuesday.

PrimeWater’s Customers Still Waiting For Justice

Rose de la Cruz
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PrimeWater’s Customers Still Waiting For Justice

TOWARDS THE end of 2025, the Villar Group’s PrimeWater Infrastructure Corp. — which reneged on its promise to provide clients with clean and safe water in their homes– faced intense administrative scrutiny, regulatory investigations and threats of legal action, including potential criminal charges for gross negligence, underinvestments and poor service quality from practically all fronts of the government.

But after the deafening noise, a silence and stillness is being enjoyed by that once powerful and mighty family while frustrated customers are silently bearing the continued discomfort of no safe potable water source that they had stiffly paid for during the heydays of the Villars.

They are still crying for justice for what has been denied them and the filing of criminal charges against the company which promised to invest several billion pesos to the water project but actually only spent a bit over P100 million in all its franchise areas. We are talking here not just of San Jose del Monte in Bulacan, but also Cavite and several areas around the country.

A house resolution calling for a formal probe into PrimeWater’s franchise violations seems to have all been forgotten for now as legislators focus on the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte, leaving the aggrieved clients to fend for themselves.

The Marcos administration has ordered an investigation, and some local water districts are moving to pre-terminate their agreements with the company due to failure to meet contractual obligations.  

It has been reported that PrimeWater is under multiple investigations for alleged failure to maintain facilities, failure to reduce non-revenue water losses, and failure to release promised capital expenditures. The Local Water Utilities Administration (LWUA) is investigating its performance, with reports citing that its entry into local water districts has not fixed core issues like reliance on unsustainable deep wells, lack of treatment plants, and old pipes. (At this juncture, I strongly believe that LWUA itself must also be investigated for not exerting its regulatory and monitoring mandates, which led to such extensive violations by the Villar company).

As of April 2025, the San Jose del Monte Water District moved to pre-terminate its joint venture agreement with PrimeWater due to failures in providing adequate water supply. 

MULTIPLE CHARGES

PrimeWater Infrastructure Corp., owned by the Villar family, faces multiple allegations of service failures, including poor water quality, frequent interruptions, and high rates, leading to calls for the cancellation of its joint venture agreements (JVAs). 

The company is accused of failing to meet capital expenditure (capex) commitments, with some projects receiving only a fraction of promised investment, and failing to pay contractors and local water districts. 

PrimeWater delivered only a small fraction of its committed infrastructure investments, with one report citing only 11% of promised funds in 7 years, describing it as “criminal negligence.”

It also failed to pay local water districts for profit shares and failed to compensate contractors and labor, with a Rapper report finding 41 out of 77 partners not having been paid. Consumers and groups like Bayan Muna report widespread water interruptions, poor quality, and high charges.

Claims have been filed with the Insurance Commission as PrimeWater has not fulfilled performance bonds from 2023 to 2025.

The Office of the Government Corporate Counsel identified potential breaches in JVAs (joint venture agreements) due to the failure to meet investment and service obligations, leading to calls for contract termination.

Complaints have been filed to cancel JVAs in various areas, including San Jose del Monte, Bulacan.

Senator Raffy Tulfo spearheaded hearings regarding the company’s failure to implement promised capex and poor service.

As of April 2026, Crystal Bridges Holding Corp. is in the process of acquiring 100% of PrimeWater from the Villars. 

A San Jose Del Monte City joint venture was terminated in July 2025 due to failure to meet standards and non-revenue water issues. Multiple water districts, including in Pampanga and Cavite, are reviewing or seeking to end partnerships due to failure to meet capital and reducing systems loss.

STILL OPERATING

However, PrimeWater is still operating in 161 cities/municipalities and recently activated a treatment plant in Bacolod to address shortages. 

As Inquirer columnist Jake Maderazo described San Jose del Monte’s water situation, the over 650,000 residents stand on the precipice of a humanitarian crisis. Once envisioned as a thriving urban center poised for explosive growth, it  has instead become a cautionary tale of corporate negligence, governmental failure, and the profound suffering inflicted upon hundreds of thousands of innocent people.”

The water crisis that gripped this city is not merely an infrastructural problem—it is a moral catastrophe that demands our collective outrage and immediate action.

“For seven long years, residents of San Jose Del Monte endured the consequences of a joint venture agreement that promised hope but delivered only suffering. PrimeWater’s stewardship of the city’s water distribution system represents one of the most flagrant cases of corporate mismanagement and breach of public trust in recent history. The statistics alone are damning, but behind these numbers lie the real stories of children unable to attend school, families rationing water for basic hygiene, businesses forced to close, and communities pushed to the brink of desperation,” Maderazo said.

When PrimeWater entered into its JVA with the San Jose Del Monte Water District in 2018, the company committed to invest P6.8 billion in capital expenditures to modernize water infrastructure and secure additional water sources for the city’s rapidly growing population. This was supposed to be the salvation of San Jose Del Monte, the catalyst that would transform the city’s water system into a model of efficiency and reliability.

CRIMINAL NEGLIGENCE

What actually transpired is nothing short of criminal negligence. In seven years, PrimeWater invested a mere P748 million—just 11% of its commitment. For the second phase of the partnership, which required P2.1 billion in capital expenditures, the company managed to spend only 1% of the allocated funds in the final two years of operation. This is not mismanagement; this is deliberate abandonment of responsibility, he added.

The financial manipulation is equally infuriating. Before PrimeWater’s takeover, the water district was financially healthy, posting a net income of P187 million in 2015-2016. By 2024, this had collapsed to a paltry P2 million. Meanwhile, PrimeWater’s profits soared from P196 million in 2017 to a staggering P1.18 billion by 2023. The company was extracting wealth from the system while systematically starving it of the investments necessary to serve the people. This is profiteering at its most obscene—enriching shareholders while 250,000 residents, one-third of the city’s population, suffer without reliable water access.

The infrastructure situation in San Jose Del Monte is a physical testament to years of neglect. PrimeWater has access to 122.36 million liters of water per day from bulk suppliers, with an additional 50 million liters available if the company had the capacity to distribute it. The water is there. The sources exist. But the infrastructure to move this water to residents’ homes is crumbling.

At Interconnection Point 1 alone, which has a capacity of 90 million liters per day, PrimeWater can only distribute 39 million liters. This is not a supply problem; this is a distribution catastrophe. The company’s failure to upgrade and maintain its network has resulted in a non-revenue water loss rate of 47.16%—nearly half of all water entering the system is lost to leakage before it ever reaches a customer’s tap. This is an operational disaster of monumental proportions.

UNPAID DEBTS

PrimeWater has accumulated P206 million in unpaid obligations to bulk water suppliers—P110 million owed to Bulacan Bulk Water and P96 million to the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System. A company posting over a billion pesos in annual profits cannot claim financial hardship as an excuse. This is a choice—a choice to prioritize shareholder returns over the obligations that keep water flowing to residents.

Maderazo continued:  “Insult is added to injury through PrimeWater’s exploitative tariff structure. While our own Manila Water and Maynilad charge approximately P210-P247 for the first 10 cubic meters of water, PrimeWater charges P265.63 for just the first 5 cubic meters, with punitive incremental charges thereafter. SJDM residents are paying premium prices for substandard service—a grotesque inversion of market logic.

This is particularly cruel because it affects those least able to bear it: low-income households that constitute the majority of San Jose Del Monte’s population. Families are forced to choose between paying inflated water bills and purchasing food. Children go without proper hygiene. Businesses cannot operate. The elderly suffer in silence.  But statistics and tariff comparisons, while damning, cannot capture the true human cost of this crisis. The real suffering manifests in ways that pierce the heart:

In January 2026, every school in San Jose Del Monte was forced to suspend in-person classes due to lack of water. Imagine the disruption to 650,000 residents’ children—their education interrupted, their futures jeopardized, their learning trajectory disrupted—all because a private company failed to maintain basic infrastructure.

Residents report receiving murky, unsafe water from their taps. The LGU has discovered that water quality test reports were manipulated, falsifying data to conceal the contamination threatening public health. Children are exposed to waterborne diseases. Families cannot maintain basic sanitation. Hospitals struggle to provide clean water for patient care.

Businesses cannot operate without reliable water. Agricultural activities are crippled. Commercial establishments close their doors. The economic engine of the city sputters and stalls.

Residents report occasions where only air pressure emerges from their faucets—no water, just the mocking hiss of empty pipes. Imagine the desperation of turning on a faucet expecting water and receiving nothing. Multiply this experience across 250,000 residents, day after day, month after month, year after year.

Just when residents hoped for relief, a new crisis emerged. In late 2025, Crystal Bridges Holding Corp., led by Lucio Co, a company with P42.37 billion in total assets—despite allegedly having only P300,000 in capitalization, acquired 100% of PrimeWater. How does a company with minimal capitalization acquire a multi-billion peso enterprise? The transaction raises profound questions about financial capacity and regulatory oversight.

The replacement company, Pamana Water Corp., operates only 15 branches across six provinces with documented problems in Tarlac and Nueva Ecija. Entrusting the water supply of 650,000 residents to a company with such limited experience and proven operational failures elsewhere is reckless endangerment.

Worst of all, despite the change in management, Pamana has engaged minimally with the LGU, offering no concrete plans or timelines to address the crisis. Residents remain in limbo, uncertain whether their water situation will improve or deteriorate further.

LGU WATERS TANKERS

Faced with this catastrophe, the San Jose Del Monte LGU has been forced to become the de facto water provider. 

The city spends P370 million annually on water tankers, operating 22 tankers throughout all 62 barangays, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, to supply water that should flow through pipes. The LGU supplies water to hospitals. 

The LGU supplies water to schools. The LGU supplies water to residents who should be receiving it through a functioning distribution system.

This is not a sustainable solution; it is a band-aid on a gaping wound. The LGU is hemorrhaging resources to provide services that a private concessionaire was contractually obligated to deliver.

The termination of PrimeWater’s joint venture agreement on July 28, 2025, was an act of necessity and justice. The company’s violations were exceptional: failure to reduce non-revenue water losses, failure to maintain facilities, failure to release committed capital expenditures, and failure to meet basic service standards. 

The non-renewal of PrimeWater’s business permit and the declaration of a State of Calamity represent the LGU’s acknowledgment of the severity of the crisis and its commitment to emergency action.

CORPORATE NEGLIGENCE

The water crisis in San Jose Del Monte is not an act of God or an unavoidable natural disaster. It is the direct result of corporate negligence, regulatory failure, and the prioritization of profit over people. 

PrimeWater  and Pamana received a sacred trust—the responsibility to provide one of life’s most essential commodities to hundreds of thousands of residents. These companies  betrayed that trust completely and utterly.

For seven years, 250,000 residents of San Jose Del Monte have suffered deprivation that no community in a developing nation should endure. Children have missed school. 

Families have rationed water. Businesses have failed. Health has been compromised. And throughout it all, their private water companies extracted billions in profits while delivering nothing but broken promises.

As San Jose Del Monte city works to get back on its feet, this crisis must be a turning point. It must be a time when the responsible water companies are held accountable, when their wrongdoings are punished, and when the law protects residents’ rights to important services. 

The 650,000 city residents deserve nothing less than full justice and the return of dependable, affordable water service. Anything less would be another betrayal of a community that has already endured too much, Maderazo concluded.

The Strait Of Hormuz And The Strength Of Hormones

Fr. Glenn Paul M. Gomez, SVD
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The Strait Of Hormuz And The Strength Of Hormones

THE WORLD WATCHES with bated breath as the Strait of Hormuz – the world’s most vital energy artery – becomes a geopolitical “on-off” switch. When tensions flare, the gateway narrows, fuelprices spike, and global markets shudder. We celebrate a brief ceasefire, only to see the gates slam shut again when naval fleets arrive.

This “close-open” drama is a reflection of a deeper tide. Every outward war is, at its core, an “inside war.”

‘As we journey through these weeks of Easter, we find the ultimate resolution. Beyond our biology, we are offered the two greatest gifts of the Resurrection: Jesus’ Peace and the Holy Spirit. Just as these gifts transformed the fearful apostles into enthusiastic witnesses, they offer us a way out of our “inside wars.” ‘
 

THE INTERNAL BATTLEFIELD

The volatility of the Middle East mirrors the volatility of human nature. When leaders lack a spiritual foundation or struggle with narcissistic tendencies and a blinded understanding of God, their internal conflicts spill over into the streets. But this starts with each of us.

Science offers a lens via Psychoneuroimmunology (PNI). Our brain commands our immune system to secrete messengers based on our thoughts:

• The Conflict Chemicals: Negative thoughts and aggression trigger cortisol, which narrows our perspective like a blockade. This is joined by adrenaline, which keeps us in a frantic high-alert, and norepinephrine, which fuels anxiety and hyper-vigilance.

• The Healing Hormones: Positive thinking and empathy release oxytocin, the “bonding hormone.” We also benefit from serotonin, which stabilizes our mood, and dopamine, which rewards us with motivation and hope. Together, they lower defenses and promote systemic healing.

THE RESURRECTION REMEDY

As we journey through these weeks of Easter, we find the ultimate resolution. Beyond our biology, we are offered the two greatest gifts of the Resurrection: Jesus’ Peace and the Holy Spirit. 

Just as these gifts transformed the fearful apostles into enthusiastic witnesses, they offer us a way out of our “inside wars.” By connecting to the Risen Christ, we receive a peace the world cannot give – a spiritual foundation that transcends geopolitical blockades.

To Enjoy Life!…in the right sense, let us trade the chemistry of conflict for the grace of the Spirit. Global peace is a reaction that starts with the Risen Lord in us. Let’s keep our internal gateways open!

Bullying, Cyberbullying, And The Law’s Quiet Gaps

Mark Bacsain, ESQ
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Bullying, Cyberbullying, And The Law’s Quiet Gaps

THERE IS A kind of silence that follows bullying.

It is not the ordinary quiet of a classroom after dismissal, nor the peaceful silence of a child lost in thought. It is heavier than that. It is the silence of someone who has learned, often too early, that speaking up may only invite more pain.

For many students, bullying is rarely a one-time incident. It is a pattern that repeats itself in different forms—mockery in class, deliberate exclusion, whispered insults, cruel jokes disguised as humor, embarrassing photos shared without consent, or group chats that suddenly turn hostile.

And today, it does not end when the school bell rings.

It follows them home through phones, social media, private messages, and anonymous accounts. Even inside the supposed safety of one’s bedroom, bullying can continue.

‘[B]ullying is rarely a one-time incident. It is a pattern that repeats itself in different forms—mockery in class, deliberate exclusion, whispered insults, cruel jokes disguised as humor, embarrassing photos shared without consent, or group chats that suddenly turn hostile … it does not end when the school bell rings.’

THE HIDDEN WEIGHT STUDENTS CARRY

Many adults who were bullied in their younger years still remember the feeling long after they forgot the exact words said to them.

Bullying does not only wound the moment—it affects identity, confidence, and a child’s sense of belonging.

Some students become withdrawn. Others stop participating in class. Some dread going to school. Others force themselves to smile while quietly enduring anxiety, shame, or fear.

Cyberbullying can be even more damaging because it is harder to escape. A post can be shared in seconds. Screenshots can survive deletion. Humiliation can be replayed long after the original act.

Unlike physical injury, emotional harm often leaves no visible mark.

Parents may only notice when grades decline, sleep patterns change, or a once-expressive child becomes unusually quiet. Teachers may miss the warning signs when the bullying happens online or in subtle ways beyond direct observation.

By the time adults notice, the damage may already be unfolding.

WHAT THE LAW PROVIDES

The Philippines is not without legal remedies.

The Anti-Bullying Act of 2013 (Republic Act 10627) requires elementary and secondary schools to adopt policies for prevention, reporting, investigation, intervention, and disciplinary action, including incidents involving cyberbullying.

Depending on the circumstances, other laws may also apply, such as the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 (RA 10175), provisions on libel, unjust vexation, child protection laws, and school regulations.

On paper, the framework is substantial.

But a law written well is not the same as a law enforced well.

In legal practice, I have seen disputes grow into serious conflicts because early warning signs were ignored or dismissed as harmless teasing. What adults often treat as small incidents can leave lasting effects on young people.

Many institutions comply formally by issuing manuals, creating committees, or posting policies. Yet implementation often varies. Some complaints are minimized; others are handled informally. Some are dismissed as ordinary childhood conflict or “part of growing up.”

That mindset is precisely where protection begins to fail.

WHERE THE REAL GAPS REMAIN

The challenge is not purely legal—it is institutional and cultural.

Some schools lack trained personnel to handle bullying cases properly. Others fear controversy or reputational damage. Some do not have clear systems for confidential reporting or victim support.

Too many schools fear bad publicity more than student suffering.

There is also a coordination problem.

Bullying today crosses multiple spaces: classrooms, homes, online platforms, gaming communities, and private group chats. Yet responses are often fragmented, as if these environments have nothing to do with one another.

Most dangerous of all is the belief that bullying is normal.

It should never be.

Conflict may be part of growing up. Cruelty should not be.

WHAT MUST BE DONE

If we are serious about protecting students, compliance alone is not enough.

Schools must be measured not only by whether they have anti-bullying policies, but by whether students trust those policies enough to use them.
Reporting systems must be safe, discreet, and responsive.

Teachers and staff need regular training to identify subtle signs of distress, social exclusion, and online harassment.

Parents should be engaged early—not only when a case has already escalated.

Digital platforms must also be part of the conversation. When minors are targeted online, accountability cannot remain optional.

Most of all, we must stop treating bullying as a minor disciplinary issue. It is a matter of student welfare, mental health, and human dignity.

BREAKING THE SILENCE

For a child experiencing bullying, speaking up is rarely easy.

It requires more than courage. It requires confidence that someone will listen—and act.

For parents, that means paying attention to changes that may seem small but are not.

For teachers and school leaders, it means understanding that every response sends a message not only to those involved, but to every student watching.

The law can define duties. It can impose consequences. It can create procedures.

But law alone cannot create safety.

That requires vigilance, compassion, and the willingness to intervene before silence becomes suffering.

Because silence is not always peace.

Sometimes, it is simply what remains when a child no longer believes anyone will hear them.

#ThePHInsider

#LawfulAffairs

#AttyMarkBacsain

#Bullying

#Cyberbullying

#RA10175

#A10627

#Intervention

PH Oil Industry Policy, Stupid?

Rose de la Cruz
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PH Oil Industry Policy, Stupid?

THE global crisis could have been manageable if not for the government’ stupid policy covering the oil industry.

In an ambush interview coinciding a forum held at the Bonifacio Global City in Taguig, Jose Luiz Yulo, in his capacity as president of the Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands (CCPI), hinted at a squandered opportunity that could have spared the Philippines from the adverse effects of the of ongoing tension in the Middle East.

He particularly cited the sale of 40 percent stake of the government in Petron – to San Miguel Corporation, as well as the removal of the Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF) which designed to cushion oil price shocks.

CCPI, formerly referred as La Cámara de Comercio de las Islas Filipinas, was established through a Spanish Royal Decree 140 years ago.

“The government did a major mistake — they sold their ownership in Petron,” which could have given it partial control where oil was sourced and access to figures that could help it influence fuel prices in the market” Yulo said.

What’s happening now is they are “from the outside looking in. They have no control,” he added.

He recalled that the government used to have 40 percent in Petron, while Saudi Arabia held another 40 percent and the remaining 20 percent was in the stock market.

Asked whether the country still needed more industry players even as the Philippine National Oil Co. sought to build up inventory, Yulo sharpened his criticism and pointed to another scrapped mechanism.

“A lot of stupid things the government did, selling out this ownership of a company that had all the information, they also took out the oil stabilization program or the OPSF.”

According to Yulo, the OPSF used to serve as a buffer by allowing the government to accumulate funds when oil prices were low and use them to prevent pump prices from rising too quickly when global costs surged.

The history of the OPSF in the Philippines is closely tied to the state’s efforts to regulate the downstream oil industry, while the sale of government stakes in Petron was a pivotal step in deregulating that same industry in the 1990s.

BUFFER FUNDS

The OPSF was created on October 10, 1984 by the Marcos Sr. administration under Presidential Decree No. 1956 to cushion local consumers from sudden shocks in international oil prices.

It operated as a buffer fund. When global oil prices were low, oil companies contributed to the fund. When prices rose above the prescribed level, the fund paid oil companies to keep domestic pump prices stable.

Executive Order No. 137, issued by President Corazon Aquino, broadened the fund’s sources, including additional tax collections to ensure adequate supply and manage foreign exchange losses.

The fund frequently fell into deficits, becoming a massive burden on the government. Critics argued it was abused for purposes other than stabilizing prices.

The OPSF was abolished in 1996, followed by the deregulation of the oil industry in 1998 under the late President Fidel V. Ramos, allowing oil companies to set their own price based on market competition.

There had been clamor to revive the OPSF or create a similar buffer fund to mitigate rising fuel prices, especially amid geopolitical instability.

LOSING PETRON

The government, through the Philippine National Oil Company (PNOC), acquired Petron (formerly Esso Philippines) during the 1973 oil crisis to ensure fuel security.

But as part of the oil deregulation process, the government sold its 40 percent stake in Petron to Saudi Aramco on March 4, 1994.

Next came the sale through IPO (initial public offering) on September 7, 1994 of another 20 percent of its shares in Petron through the Philippine Stock Exchange.

These two transactions reduced the government’s stake in Petron, allowing private sector management to take control as part of a move to improve operational efficiency.

Saudi Aramco in 2008 sold its stake to the Ashmore Group, which subsequently sold a controlling interest to San Miguel Corporation (SMC) in 2009-2010.

CURRENT STATE

With the country finding itself in a difficult situation caused by the war in Iran (since February 2026), SMC (Petron’s management) expressed its willingness to sell back to the government to help in managing supply stability.

Meantime, the government has so far been working out palliative measures to contain the fuel crisis in the country– which has caused more miserable conditions in transport, logistics, and a worsening food inflation.

Pump prices have been rising uncontrollably– some token rollbacks are being given few and far between only to be replaced soon with a vindictive double digit rise in pump prices.

Public transport systems are being paralyzed by drivers and operators’ strike and farmers/fishermen have difficulty obtaining their production inputs (which are mostly imported) and getting their farm/fishery products to the markets. The peso has been on constant depreciation.

Consumers– many of them from the lower middle and lower income classes– are gravitating towards poverty, with the high prices of basic commodities that government ayuda could not cope with and utilities like water and electricity exacerbate their financial miseries to the point of reducing their disposable income for basic food for the family.

SOLO PARENT DAY: Celebrating The Quiet Warriors Of Everyday Survival

Cheryl Luis True
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SOLO PARENT DAY: Celebrating The Quiet Warriors Of Everyday Survival

SOLO PARENT DAY is more than a ceremonial calendar entry—it is a national acknowledgment of the silent resilience carried daily by millions of Filipino parents raising children alone. Under Republic Act No. 8972 or the Solo Parents’ Welfare Act of 2000, later strengthened by Republic Act No. 11861 or the Expanded Solo Parents Welfare Act, the State formally recognizes solo parents as individuals who shoulder full parental responsibility due to circumstances such as separation, abandonment, widowhood, or other qualifying situations.

On paper, the law is empowering. It promises a comprehensive package: parental leave, flexible work arrangements, livelihood assistance, counseling services, educational scholarships for children, and cash subsidies for qualified low-income solo parents. There is even a monthly cash subsidy under the expanded law for those earning minimum wage and below—small, but meaningful when stretched across school fees, rent, and rice sacks.

But here is the uncomfortable truth: many solo parents don’t even know these benefits exist.

And those who do often struggle to access them.

As a solo parent myself, I’ve learned that survival is not just about working harder—it is about navigating a system that should have supported us from the start. Financially, it often feels like budgeting with invisible holes: tuition due dates that never wait, groceries that multiply like magic, and emergencies that arrive without invitation. The law says support exists. Reality says: “Go to your LGU and figure it out.”

That is where the gap begins.

The law clearly mandates implementation through the DSWD and Local Government Units, which issue Solo Parent IDs—the key to unlocking benefits. Yet information campaigns remain weak, fragmented, and inconsistent. Some LGUs are proactive. Others treat the program like an optional suggestion. Many solo parents simply give up before they even start.

So where do we go when the system fails us locally?

You escalate. You insist. You document.

Complaints or concerns can be brought to:

• Your City/Municipal Social Welfare and Development Office (CSWDO/MSWDO) 

• The DSWD Field Office in your region 

• Or directly through DSWD central grievance channels 

But let’s be honest—most solo parents are too exhausted to “escalate.” They are busy surviving.

This is why Solo Parent Day matters. Not for the speeches, but for the reminder: support is not charity—it is a legal right. And rights lose meaning when they are buried in poor information drives and slow implementation.

Still, there is something powerful about solo parents in the Philippines: we adapt. We stretch every peso, juggle multiple roles, and show up for our children even when the world does not show up for us. We become accountants of survival, counselors without training, and providers without rest.

And yet—we endure.

Solo Parent Day should not only celebrate resilience; it should demand accountability. The law is already written. The benefits already exist. What remains is consistent awareness, aggressive information campaigns, and accessible systems that don’t require emotional exhaustion just to apply.

Until then, we continue—quietly, stubbornly, courageously.

Because being a solo parent is not a lack of support system.

It is living as the entire system—and still choosing to keep going.

‘Godzilla El Nino’ Can Be Bigger Crisis For PH

Marcus Aquino
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‘Godzilla El Nino’ Can Be Bigger Crisis For PH

“There have been three occurrences of extreme El Niño events during the modern observational period (1982–1983, 1997–1998, 2015–2016), all characterized by pronounced rainfall in the normally dry equatorial East Pacific,” according to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

SINCE FEBRUARY 28, much of the attention of the globe has been on the Middle East war that has caused global oil prices to increase to record levels, affecting mostly countries dependent on energy imports.

But there is one crisis that can strike harder than the Middle East war – one that is courtesy of nature: A “Godzilla El Niño.”

Paul Roundy, a prominent Professor of Atmospheric Science at the University of Albay (State University of New York), is among the scientists who have issued a warming on the upcoming extreme or “Godzilla El Niño.”

He warned that there is a “real potential for the strongest El Niño in 140 years.”

For its part, the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) warned last April 15 that the probability of a moderate to strong El Niño in the last quarter of this year until early 2027 has risen to 92 percent.

In March, PAGASA declared a 55 percent probability of an El Niño developing in the next six months.

And the bad news is the Godzilla El Nino can make 2027 one of the hottest years on record, according to Northern Illinois University meteorology professor Victor Gensini.

“A strong El Niño could plausibly push global temperatures to new record levels in late 2026 and into 2027,” he told PBS in an interview.

As always, Southeast Asia will experience dry spells and droughts during El Nino events, while parts of Africa will get heavy rains.

Extreme or Godzilla-type El Ninos arenothing new, according to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), stating that powerful El Ninos happen during an “observational period.”

“There have been three occurrences of extreme El Niño events during the modern observational period (1982–1983, 1997–1998, 2015–2016), all characterized by pronounced rainfall in the normally dry equatorial East Pacific,” it said.

Possible impact

The vulnerability of the Philippines to El Niño events can be clearly seen in the 2023-2024 dry spell that hit the country, which was not extreme, and the 2015-2016 extreme El Niño.

From September 2023 to August 2024, rice inflation was at double digits and reached a 15-year high of 24.4 percent in March 2024.It was on September 2024 that rice inflation hit single digit or 5.7 percent.

The major factor for the high rice inflation for the 11 months starting September 2023 were dry spells hitting rice areas nationwide.

The toll to agriculture reached P15.3 billion, affecting 333,195 farmers and fishers in 15 regions nationwide, according to the Department of Agriculture-Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) Operations Center.

Total volume of damage amounted to 784,344 metric tons (MT), from 270,855 hectares of agricultural land.

While those figures are alarming, the damage from extreme the El Niño in 2015-2016 that lasted for 18 months destroyed 1.48 million MT of crops.

The bad news is the 2015-2016 extreme El Niño was followed by a series of typhoons, or 18 in total, according to the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia (ESCAP).

The UN agency said 2015-2016 extreme El Niño and the storms that followed it caused $2 billion (about $120 billion) in economic damage to the Philippines.

Surprisingly, scientists labeled the 2016 La Niña as “weak” despite powerful storms hitting the Philippines.

One such storm was Super Typhoon Haima, locally known as Lawin, that struck the northernmost parts of the country in October 2016 with strong winds of 225 kph and gustiness of 315 kph.

According to available data, more than 1.2 million people were affected and more than 200,000 people displaced by Lawin.

As to how government is preparing for the next El Niño is not yet well detailed. But the PAGASA has been doing a somewhatexcellent job at tracking the onset of El Niño, and issuing warnings early on.

For example, it was in July 2023 that PAGASA said that there was 56 percent chance that the El Niño will become moderate and strong in the last quarter of 2023.

In February 2024, the Office of Civil Defense (OCD) said that 41 provinces were already affected by the El Niño. Also, rice inflation reached a new high of 24.4 percent in March, highlighting the devastating effect of the 2023-2024 El Niño that was not extreme or had a Godzilla character.

Angono Local Council Suspends Village Chief 

Edwin Moreno
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Angono Local Council Suspends Village Chief 

FAILURE to adhere to transparency in transactions involving public funds is punishable under existing Philippine jurisprudence, for which a local council unanimously approved a resolution suspending a village chief.

Citing Republic Act 7160 (Local Government Act of 1991), Angono, Rizal Mayor Gerardo Calderon slapped a 60-day preventive suspension against Annaliza Intalan in her capacity as chairperson of Barangay Kalayaan for refusal to release documents on transactions and spendings.

The suspension order took effect on April 15.

The case stemmed from administrative complaints filed by at least two members of the Sangguniang Barangay who accused Intalan of “neglect of duty, misconduct and abuse of authority.”

According to the complainants, Intalan ordered the Sanggunian members to sign ante-dated resolutions without supporting documents. When they allegedly sought for the supporting attachments, the barangay chief declined.

Intalan, has yet to issue a statement over the suspension order.

PAYROLL PADDING

Prior to the issuance of the preventive suspension, Intalan figured in a controversial CCTV footage that saw her instructing a staff member to falsify government records embarking on the barangay payroll.

Intalan was later summoned by the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) local office to explain that ‘payroll padding’ video which went viral on social media.

Payroll padding — the practice of adding fictitious names to a manifest or inflating salary amounts — is a criminal offense under the Revised Penal Code. If proven, the charge of moral turpitude carries penalties of imprisonment and fines.

A guilty verdict also warrants dismissal from service and perpetual disqualification from holding public office.

TRANSPARENCY

Transparency, a foundational element of democracy, is the practice of openly sharing information about decision-making, policies, and finances, enabling public oversight to reduce corruption, foster trust, and ensure accountability. 

It empowers constituents to monitor public officials, enhances efficiency, and ensures taxes are used for public interest rather than personal gain. 

To establish public trust, government agencies are bound to open its records on decisions, budgeting, and spending – a major component designed to reduce corruption and misuse of public funds.

Public access also prevents unethical behaviors and uncovers corruption. Transparency ensures officials are held responsible for their actions and decisions, encouraging civic participation in policy-making.

When public agencies are forced to disclose performance, they focus on actual outcomes rather than just activities.

PH JURISPRUDENCE

To date, there are laws and policies governing transparency in public office.

Under Republic Acts 12314 (General Appropriations Act), all government agencies — including local government units — must post mandates, budgets, procurement plans, and project status.

Aside from RA 12314, national policies referred to as Freedom of Information and Full Disclosure compels the executive branch to provide constituents access to official records, public records, decisions, financial documents (budget, revenue, expenditures) in public places and online.

In 2024, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. signed into law RA 12009 (New Government Procurement Act) which further enhanced transparency in public bidding by promoting open contracting from planning to implementation.

No Homecoming For Fugitive Zaldy Co

Angel F. Jose
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No Homecoming For Fugitive Zaldy Co

CONTRARY to Interior Secretary Jonvic Remulla’s claim, former Ako Bicol partylist Rep. Zaldy Co won’t be coming home soon to face charges over the trillion-peso worth of anomalies behind the government’s flood control program.

Worse, Co, who has been hopping from one European state after another for the last nine months, is set to be released by the government of the Czech Republic tomorrow, April 19.

Considered one of the brains behind the trillion-peso flood control scandal, was previously arrested in the Czech Republic for entering the country without proper documentation.

“By tomorrow Zaldy Co will be released from detention,” according to a highly-placed source in an exclusive interview with The PH Insider.

NO RED NOTICE 

When asked as to what basis would the Czech government release Co, the source candidly blamed Remulla, whom he claimed failed to secure a “Red Notice” from the International Police Organization (Interpol).

“As it turns out, the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) never requested for an Interpol Red Notice,” the source revealed.

An Interpol Red Notice is an international request for law enforcement worldwide to locate and provisionally arrest a person pending extradition or similar legal action. 

Part of the requirements is for the requesting member state to make a formal request and authenticated copy of the arrest warrant issued by the local court.

“Yung DFA (Department of Foreign Affairs) has been asking the Secretary of Interior and Local Government to request for a red notice for nine long months… inupuan lang ni Jonvic,” the source added.

LIGHT INFRACTION

Despite the highly-publicized arrest that was announced by no less than President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. himself, the Czech Republic’s immigration authorities could only detain the former partylist congressman for 48 hours at the most.

“He is now detained in Prague after crossing into the Czech Republic without proper documentation and is currently in the custody of Czech authorities,” Marcos posted on his official Facebook account.

Earlier this year, the Czech Republic overhauled its immigration framework, creating a fully digital system for residence proceedings under the new Act on the Stay of Foreigners, managed through an Online Foreigner Account. 

While the Czech Republic requires Schengen visas for short-term stays (90 days or less), Co may opt to go online and process an application that would legitimize his entry. It is not certain though whether the fugitive congressman would be slapped with fines.

MINOR COMPLICATION

In a radio interview on Friday, Remulla himself admitted a minor complication surrounding Co’s arrest, even as he claimed that it is the DFA that is coordinating with Czech authorities for Co’s deportation.

“Maybe in as little as one week, but it could take as long as three weeks. That depends on the DFA—they’re really the lead on this, not me; I’m just coordinating,” the DILG chief was quoted during the DZMM interview. 

“Because his deportation order is based on a canceled passport — he didn’t have his Portuguese passport with him. He wasn’t carrying anything… It’s like he became complacent. So when he was arrested there, it was noted that he had no travel documents. The DFA informed them that he was a wanted person,” he explained.

GRAND HOMECOMING

Under existing protocols, Co upon arrival will undergo a complete physical examination at Camp Crame in Quezon City to determine fitness to stand trial.

From Camp Crame, the former legislator will be detained at the Sandiganbayan, undergo arraignment, and face a ruling on whether his charges are bailable.

Remulla in a news article which appeared on the website of the Philippine Inquirer claimed Manila was in close coordination with the Czech government to ensure that all legal processes were followed and to arrange for his return to the Philippines “at the soonest possible time.”

“We will keep the public informed as developments unfold,” he added.

Co was the former chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations, which oversees the national budget.

He left the country in July last year initially for “medical treatment in the United States” after being implicated in the multibillion-peso flood control scandal.

While in hiding, Co resigned and has yet to return for which he was declared a fugitive from justice.

Awardees Gather to Rekindle Legacy of Leadership

Maribel Asis J.
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Awardees Gather to Rekindle Legacy of Leadership

A POWERFUL SENSE of purpose and legacy filled the halls of the Quezon City Sports Complex today, April 18, as Gerry Roxas Leadership Awardees convene for a landmark Awardees Assembly—an event that celebrated not only past achievements, but a continuing commitment to leadership and service.

Rep. Leila de Lima leads the assembly’s Inspirational Sharers, to be introduced by journalist Marites Dangilan Vitug.

PURPOSE-DRIVEN

What began as a spark in 2008 has since grown into a nationwide movement. Chosen by Judy Araneta Roxas to help organize and unite awardees, early leaders of the Gerry Roxas Leadership Awards forged a shared vision—one that transcends recognition and calls for purpose-driven action. Through spirited dialogue and collaboration, they defined a mission rooted in leadership, accountability, and nation-building.

The Gerry Roxas Leadership Award itself traces its origins to the vision of the late Gerry Roxas, who believed in identifying and nurturing leadership potential among the youth. Today, that vision lives on through a growing network of more than 50,000 awardees across the country, spanning generations and professions.

‘[T]he Gerry Roxas Leadership medal is not merely a symbol of achievement—it is a call to action. A call to lead with integrity, to serve with purpose, and to keep the flame of leadership alive for generations to come.’

PAY IT FORWARD

Central to this legacy is the work of GRLAinc, the awardees’ organization, whose scholarship program remains its flagship initiative. 

Since 2009, it has supported and mentored young scholars—not only through academic funding but through values formation and leadership development. Many have gone on to excel in their fields, embodying the principle of “paying it forward.”

Beyond education, GRLAinc has actively responded to national needs. During the devastation of Typhoon Ondoy, awardees mobilized relief efforts that reached thousands. From medical missions to community outreach, the organization has consistently demonstrated that leadership extends far beyond titles.

The assembly also highlighted mentorship as a cornerstone of its mission. Through initiatives like the Ate-Kuya system, experienced awardees guide younger members, building bridges across generations. Distinguished awardees—including Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, Bishop Pablo Virgilio Andrade David, and Fr. Tito Caluag—serve as enduring examples of leadership grounded in integrity and service.

Past GRLAinc presidents were also recognized during the gathering, including Tony Leachon, Willard Grageda, Nick Conti, and Cholo Kawada, each contributing to the organization’s steady growth and impact.

As the assembly concludes, one message resonatesclearly: the Gerry Roxas Leadership medal is not merely a symbol of achievement—it is a call to action. A call to lead with integrity, to serve with purpose, and to keep the flame of leadership alive for generations to come.

#thephinsider

#GerryRoxasLeadershipAward

#GRLAinc

#ExcellenceIntegrityService

#GerryRoxasFoundation

#LeilaDeLima

#AwardeesAssembly2026

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